Can China escape the middle-income trap?

Can China continue its relatively rapid economic growth and rise to the high-income status in the coming decade? In this article we address this question by examining three issues. One, is the current slowdown mainly a cyclical or a structural phenomenon? Two, can China successfully transform its growth model? And, three, what does China need to do to foster its capability of technological innovation and industrial upgrading? We conclude that, with necessary reforms, such as improvement in the education and research capability, liberalization of the financial system and introduction of a more transparent and accountable political system, China will most likely be able to escape the middle-income trap in the next 10 years.     

Population increase,economic growth,educational inequality,and income distribution: some recent evidence

The relationship between population increase, economic growth, education and income inequality was examined in a cross-section study based on data from 26 developing and 2 developed countries. As other studies have noted, high population growth is associated with a less equal income distribution. A 1 percentage point reduction in the rate of population growth tends to raise the income share of the poorest 80% in the less developed world by almost 5 percentage points and is associated with a 1.7 percentage point increase in the income share of the poorest 40%. The relationship between short-run income growth and equality, on the other hand, is strong and positive. Estimates suggest that a 1 percentage point increase in the short-run rate of growth of the gross domestic product (GDP) increases the income share of the bottom 80% by about 2 percentage points and that of the poorest 40% by almost 1 percentage point. Although higher mean schooling appears to be a mild equalizer, educational inequality does not appear to have an adverse effect on income distribution. Overall, these results challenge the widely held belief that there must be a growth-equity trade-off. Moreover, they suggest that the impact of educational inequality on income distribution may be different from that observed in earlier studies, implying a need for caution in using these earlier results as a basis for educational policy development.     

Income inequality and financial reform in Asia: the role of human capital

We investigate whether financial reform can reduce income inequality in Asia, with particular emphasis on the role of human capital. Extending Galor and Zeira (1993), we demonstrate that financial reform is effective in reducing income inequality, and the effect is more profound in a country with higher human capital. Using the data for 18 countries in Asia, the region with the most promising financial reform, we confirm our theoretical finding. In addition, among disaggregated financial reforms, lift of credit control, better banking supervision and security market development seem to be significantly associated with reduction of income inequality.     

Does reform work? An econometric survey of the reform-growth puzzle

There is still an intense controversy about the empirical support for the effects of structural reforms on economic growth. This paper uses data from 46 studies and more than 500 estimates to: (a) document the variation in these estimated effects and (b) identify the main factors that help explain it. We put forward evidence, based on the general-to-specific method, suggesting that the estimated long-run effects of reform on growth are normally distributed, and that accounting for institutions and initial conditions (trade liberalization) are principal factors in decreasing (increasing) the probability of reporting significant and positive effects of reform on growth.     

What determines the likelihood of structural reforms?

We use data for a panel of 60 countries over the period 1980–2005 to investigate the main drivers of the likelihood of structural reforms. We find that: (i) external debt crises are the main trigger of financial and banking reforms; (ii) inflation and banking crises are the key drivers of external capital account reforms; (iii) banking crises also hasten financial reforms; and (iv) economic recessions play an important role in promoting the necessary consensus for financial, capital, banking and trade reforms, especially in the group of OECD-countries. Additionally, we also observe that the degree of globalisation is relevant for financial reforms, in particular in the group of non-OECD countries. Moreover, an increase in the income gap accelerates the implementation of structural reforms, but increased political fragmentation does not seem to have a significant impact.     

Policy reform and growth in post-Soviet Russia

In pursuit of its transition from a command to a market economy, Russia has witnessed enormous regional differences in economic growth rates. Moreover, the implementation of economic reforms has also differed markedly across regions. We analyze whether regional differences in reform policies can account for regional differences in growth rates, and conclude that to a considerable degree, they can. Most notably, we find that regional differences in price liberalization policies exhibit a positive direct correspondence with growth. We also find that regional differences in large-scale privatization exhibit a positive correspondence with the regional formation of new legal enterprises, which in turn exhibits a strong positive correspondence with growth.     

我国金融监管改革的路径思考

随着全球经济相互联系的趋势不断加强,金融领域的创新活动日趋活跃,各国的金融监管改革成为关注的焦点。面对金融自由化的强烈冲击,我国又该如何做出积极回应。笔者认为我国的金融监管改革应从监管的理念,监管的职能和方式等各个方面进行变革,建立起金融自由化环境下适合我国具体国情的金融监管模式。     

Trade Liberalization and the Efficiency of Firms in Indian Manufacturing

Has the efficiency of firms in India improved since its liberalization in 1991? The authors attempt to answer this question by analyzing the determinants of firm‐level efficiency in six manufacturing sectors in India while focusing on the effects of liberalization and domestic competition. They find that there was an increase in overall efficiency in the post‐reform period in India in five out of the six sectors. While imports do not seem to improve efficiency, liberalization did increase efficiency in four of the sectors.     

Indiaʼs mysterious manufacturing miracle

Using data on formal manufacturing plants in India, we report a large but imprecise speedup in productivity growth starting in the early 1990s (e.g., 1993–2007 compared to 1980–1992). We trace it to productivity growth within large plants (200 workers or more), as opposed to reallocation across such plants. As many economists believe Indian reforms during this era improved resource allocation, the absence of a growth pickup from reallocation is surprising. Moreover, when we look across industries we fail to robustly relate productivity growth to prominent reforms such as industrial de-licensing, tariff reductions, FDI liberalization, or lifting of small-scale industry reservations. Even under a generous reading of their effects, these reforms (at least as we measure them) account for less than one-third of the rapid productivity growth in Indian manufacturing from 1980–2007.     

Do liberalization and globalization increase income inequality?

Using the Standardized World Income Inequality Database, we examine if the KOF Index of Globalization and the Economic Freedom Index of the Fraser institute are related to within-country income inequality using panel data covering around 80 countries 1970–2005. Freedom to trade internationally is robustly related to inequality, also when adding several control variables and controlling for potential endogeneity using GMM. Social globalization and deregulation is also linked to inequality. Reforms towards economic freedom seem to increase inequality mainly in rich countries, and social globalization is more important in less developed countries. Monetary reforms, legal reforms and political globalization do not increase inequality.     

Finance and inequality: Channels and evidence

We provide a framework to interpret the recent literature on financial development and inequality. In many developing countries, access to funding and financial services by firms and households is still very skewed. Recent evidence suggests that poor access does not only reflect economic constraints but also barriers erected by insiders. Inequality affects the distribution of political influence, so financial regulation often is easily captured by established interests in unequal countries. Captured reforms deepen rather than broaden access, as small elites obtain most of the benefits while risks are socialized. Financial liberalization motivated to increase access may in practice increase fragility and inequality, and lead to political backlash against reforms. Thus financial reforms may succeed only if matched by a buildup in oversight institutions. Journal of Comparative Economics 35 (4) (2007) 748–773.     

Long-run costs of piecemeal reform: Wage inequality and returns to education in Vietnam

In this paper, we examine changes in wage structure and wage premia during Vietnam’s transition from command to market economy. Relative to other work in this literature, our paper is unique in that we identify the policies that lead to such changes. By examining skill premium trends along the two dimensions of particular importance to the transition—state or non-state firms, and traded or non-traded industries—we are able to separate the contribution of external liberalization to wage growth and rising skill premia from that of domestic labor market reforms, and to examine potential interactions between the two types of reform. The results point to the high cost of incomplete reform in Vietnam. Capital market segmentation creates a two-track market for skills, in which state sector workers earn high salaries while non-state workers face lower demand and lower compensation. Growth is reduced directly by diminished allocative efficiency and reduced incentives to acquire education, and indirectly by higher wage inequality and rents for workers with access to state jobs.     

Imperfect Competition,Returns To Scale and Productivity Growth In Australian Manufacturing: A Smooth Transition Approach To Trade Liberalisation

This Paper examines the relationship between trade liberalization and productivity growth for Australian manufacturing. An imperfect competition, non-CRS, smooth transition empirical framework is employed for analysis. GMM estimates of the logistic smooth transition model imply that trade reform impacts take approximately four years to complete, but do not occur over the same time period for all industries. In response to trade reforms, for most industries a significant improvement in productivity is estimated, these improvements are associated with lower mark-ups and falling scale parameters. A minority of industries however, experienced no change or falling productivity growth in response to reforms, these industries tended to have the highest absolute protection levels. [D24, F12, C52, L60]     

资本账户开放顺序的国际实践及对中国的启示

开放资本账户既是我国金融改革的发展方向,也是我国经济开放的必然目标之一.资本账户开放能够促进我国许多领域的改革,是不可阻挡的必然趋势.我国有必要参考其他国家的成功经验,采取适当的方式尽可能地减少开放过程中的各种风险.本文选取三个典型国家作为研究对象,对其资本账户开放的实践过程进行综合比较,重点考察了开放顺序,以期为我国资本帐户的开放提供些许借鉴.     

DEBT CRISIS, TRADE LIBERALIZATION, STRUCTURAL ADJUSTMENT, AND GROWTH: SOME POLICY CONSIDERATIONS

This paper analyzes some dynamic aspects of trade liberalization reforms within the context of the debt crisis. In particular, the paper discusses issues concerning intensity of liberalization, speed of trade reform, and the interaction between liberalization and stabilization. It deals with analytical issues and draws from the empirical experiences of some highly indebted Latin American countries.     

Reforming the public administration: The role of crisis and the power of bureaucracy

The need to balance austerity with growth policies has put government efficiency high on the economic policy agenda in Europe. Administrative reforms that boost the internal efficiency of bureaucracy can alleviate the trade-off between consolidation and public service provision. Against such a backdrop, this paper constructs (and makes available) a novel reform indicator to explore the determinants of public administration reforms for a panel of EU countries. The findings support political-economic reasoning: An economic and fiscal crisis is a potent catalyst for reforms, but a powerful bureaucracy constrains the opportunities of a crisis to promote reform. Furthermore, there is some suggestive evidence for horizontal learning from other EU countries, and for vertical learning associated with a particular type of EU cohesion spending.     

Economic reform and interprovincial inequalities in China

This note is an attempt to explore two issues: (1) the trend of interprovincial inequality in the post-1978 reform era in China; and (2) the factors behind the dynamics of interprovincial inequality. Using recently released provincial gross domestic product (GDP) data, we have shown that interprovincial inequality decreased in the fast half of the 1980s, but started to increase in the second half of the 1980s. To understand the impact of sectoral reforms on interprovincial inequality, the overall inequality in provincial per capita GDP is decomposed into the contributions by the primary, secondary and tertiary sectors. It seems that the trend of interprovincial inequality has been largely induced by the reforms of the industrial sector which make up a large share of the secondary sector. In addition, national income data from the socialist national accounting system are used to identify the impact of interprovincial resource flows on interprovincial inequalities. The findings seem to suggest a relative decline in the role of redistributive budgetary transfers.     

Is there a “reform fatigue” in the euro area?

The absence of monetary policy within a currency union increases the need for structural reforms that make the participating economies more flexible. However, the absence of exchange rate risk with respect to the other members of the union may reduce the urgency for such reforms. A number of other considerations also suggest that theory is ambiguous about the impact of participating in a currency union on progress in structural reforms. This paper addresses this issue empirically for the euro area. The results suggest that reforms in the euro area seem to have decelerated following the introduction of the euro, but from a fast pace. The paper discusses a number of possible explanations, including “reform fatigue,” the absence of “market punishment,” and “good-times” complacency. Estimates from an empirical growth model suggest that the slowing of reforms may slow down annual output growth by up to 0.2%. However, the results are preliminary and depend on the area of reform considered. Furthermore, the reform dynamics may change with the euro area starting slowing at the end of 2007.     

收入不平等与经济增长：移动的库兹涅茨曲线*——新时期收入分配改革的思路与意义

准确判断收入不平等对经济增长的影响，对于客观评价中国各个阶段的收入分配制度改革尤为重要。本文在统一增长理论的框架下引入收入不平等因素，构建了一个人口数量、不平等和经济增长同时内生的理论模型，并利用CGSS数据构造收入不平等指标，使用中国省际非平衡面板数据进行经验检验。研究发现：收入不平等与经济增长之间呈现倒U型关系。更重要的是，随着经济发展水平的提高，倒U型曲线将逐渐向左移动，即最优的收入不平等程度随着经济发展水平的提高而逐渐降低。这一发现意味着改革开放以来，中国各个时期的收入分配制度改革均是在特定历史条件下的最优选择。本文的结论具有深刻的政策含义：为了提高经济增长率，需要进一步巩固“脱贫攻坚”成果，逐渐加大收入分配调节力度，使收入分配制度改革紧跟经济发展的步伐，根据经济发展水平不断缩小收入不平等程度。     

Explaining changes in tax burdens in Latin America: Do politics trump economics?

This paper examines whether elections, which are generally held on fixed dates, and banking crises explain the timing of tax reforms and the allocation of the additional tax burden. Using an original fine-grained data set of tax reforms, the paper finds support for the role of these two sources of variation. In particular, the probability of reform is higher during banking crises. During electoral periods, increasing taxes becomes highly unlikely, even if the government is facing financing problems. Interestingly, politics seem to trump economics: banking crises do not affect the probability of having a reform during electoral times. Moreover, the presence of an IMF program affects the tax instruments chosen: countries with a program increase the value-added tax, while those without raise the personal income tax. Finally, the ideology of the president does not explain who bears the additional tax burden.