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Farley R 《Economic outlook USA》1986,13(2):16-19
Farley discusses progress US blacks have made in the areas of voting and citizenship rights, residency and housing, and education. A major goal of the civil rights movement was to permit blacks to influence the electoral process in the same manner as whites. Most important in this regard was the Voting Rights Act of 1965; the proportion of southern blacks casting ballots increased sharply since the early 1960s. The Civil Rights Act of 1875 outlawed racial segregation in public accommodations, but by the turn of the century, Jim Crow laws in southern states called for segregation in most public places. Common customs and government policy in the North resulted in similar segregation of blacks from whites. The Montgomery bus boycott and similar protests in dozens of other cities led to enactment of Title II of the Civil Rights Act of 1964, which proscribed such racial practices. By the late 1960s, blacks in all regions could use the same public accommodations as whites. In most metropolitan areas, de facto racial segregation persisted long after the laws were changed. Supreme Court decisions and local open-housing ordinances supported the right of blacks to live where they could afford. However the major change was the Fair Housing Act of 1968, which outlawed racial discrimination in the sale or rental of most housing units. The separation of blacks from whites did not end in the 1970s. Today, in areas which have large black populations, there are many central city neighborhoods and a few in the suburbs which are either all-black or are becoming exclusively black enclaves. Most other neighborhoods have no more than token black populations. Another major effort of civil rights organizations has been the upgrading of housing quality for blacks. By 1980, only 6% of the homes and apartments occupied by blacks lacked complete plumbing facilities (down from 50% in 1940). Unlike the modest changes in residential segregation, racial differences in housing quality have been greatly reduced. By 1960, black students approached parity with whites in terms of measurable aspects of school facilities. In 1940, young blacks averaged about 3 fewer years of educational attainment than whites; the time is nearing when the years of schooling completed by blacks and whites will be the same. In small and medium-sized cities throughout the country, public schools are generally integrated. However, the situation in the largest metropolitan areas is very different. Today, large public schools are segregated, in large part, because blacks and whites live in separate school districts. 相似文献
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This paper briefly describes a medium- to long-term dynamic simulation model of economic-demographic interrelationships in a developing country that was developed by researchers in the International Labour Office. The model, applied to the Philippines, is illustrated by providing some examples of the effects of policy changes (e.g. migration policies, nationalization, public works, education policies, etc.), in the model on population growth, poverty, employment, and other aspects of Philippine development. The central thesis of the work is that economic-demographic inter-relationships are complex, and must therefore be modelled in some detail before meaningful statements on the effects of demographic change on economic development can be made. 相似文献
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Summary Jencks's well-known sociological path analysis connecting parental socio-economic characteristics and some ability measure of the person investigated with his or her schooling, occupation and income is available for the United States, Sweden and the Netherlands in various versions. For the United Kingdom the analysis has now been applied to the new General Household Survey, supplying over 5000 observations. This article compares the various results and offers a few alternative models, using the American and British data. These alternatives do not offer, in the British case, improvements in variance explained. Moreover, most regression coefficients show wide variations between countries. A suggestion for improvement is derived from a recent study using at least three occupation characteristics.We are grateful to the British Office of Population Census and Surveys for making available to us the data from which the UK results reported in this article were obtained. 相似文献
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Summary The Tax Reform Act of 1975 should more properly be called the Tax Reduction Act of 1975 because it provides little in the way of reform beyond the fact that a disproportionately large share of the reduction (43.5 percent) goes to persons with incomes below $10,000. The main purpose of the act is to stimulate consumer spending, in the expectation that this rise in spending will impart some buoyancy to the sagging economy. 相似文献
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Summary The Tax Reform Act of 1975 should more properly be called the Tax Reduction Act of 1975 because it provides little in the
way of reform beyond the fact that a disproportionately large share of the reduction (43.5 percent) goes to persons with incomes
below $10,000. The main purpose of the act is to stimulate consumer spending, in the expectation that this rise in spending
will impart some buoyancy to the sagging economy. 相似文献
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This article empirically analyses the state of inequality in South Africa. International comparisons show South Africa to be among the most unequal countries in the world. The levels of income inequality and earnings inequality are analysed with a range of measures and methods. The results quantify the extremely high level of inequality in South Africa. Earnings inequality appears to be falling in recent years, with relative losses in the upper-middle parts of the earnings distribution. Decomposing income inequality by factor source reveals the importance of earnings in accounting for overall income inequality. The article concludes by observing that, internationally, significant sustained decreases in inequality rarely come about without policies aimed at achieving that, and suggests that strong policy interventions would be needed to reduce inequality in South Africa to levels that are in the range typically found internationally. 相似文献
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Don Mar 《The Review of Black Political Economy》1992,21(1):33-44
Utilizing recent developments in the literature on vacancies and unemployment, the effects of changes in the vacancy to unemployment
ratio on black and white wage earnings are examined. The primary result argues that black women’s wage earnings are less sensitive
to changes in the national vacancy to unemployment ratios than white earnings. Another way of interpreting this result is
that black women are not experiencing wage gains when new jobs are created. This finding suggests that black women may not
experience increases in earnings if the vacancy to unemployment ratio increases in the future. 相似文献
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ABSTRACT Poverty and corruption can both immiserate a nation. Globalisation through open trade can potentially increase economic growth, providing employment and increased incomes to the poor. Corruption can dampen or even reduce these positive developments. Although globalisation is considered instrumental in development strategies, theoretically, the impact of globalisation on poverty reduction is ambiguous, an ambiguity that is also reflected in the empirical literature. The corruption-poverty literature clearly reveals that empirical findings on such association are at best heterogeneous. This article examines the effects of globalisation and corruption on poverty using time series data for South Africa for the period 1991–2016. Three indicators of poverty and recently developed measures of globalisation and corruption were employed in the logistic regression model used for estimation. The results confirm that globalisation reduces poverty while corruption intensifies it. The globalisation findings are robust across the different measures of poverty while unidirectional results show corruption increases poverty. 相似文献
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Charles A. Register 《The Review of Black Political Economy》1986,15(1):59-69
Numerous authors have considered the time paths of black/white employment and earnings differentials. Some have dealt with
significant policy change impacts such as the 1964 Civil Rights Act. This study reports evidence concerning the impact of
Reagan administration policy changes. The major drawback to the study is, of course, that the administration’s total impact
will no doubt not be felt for years. Regardless, using U. S. Census data through 1984, it was found that the administration
had either a mixed effect (relative employment) or no effect (relative income), leaving the decaying position of blacks in
the labor market little changed. 相似文献
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基于1985-2012年的数据,建立以城市化、政府财政支出、就业的所有制结构为内生变量的向量误差修正模型,并且用协整检验考察城市化水平、政府财政支出、就业的所有制结构的长期均衡与短期动态关系。实证分析发现:四者不仅存在长期的均衡关系,而且存在短期动态关系。具体而言,城市化、政府财政支出、就业的所有制结构在长期会扩大城乡收入差距,在短期则会缩小城乡收入差距。 相似文献
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Fred McKinney 《The Review of Black Political Economy》1985,14(1):75-87
Evidence from Bridgeport, Connecticut’s Job Training and Partnership Act program is examined to determine if black employment
and the occupational distribution of jobs held by blacks has been affected. Historical employment data is used to illustrate
the cyclical nature of employment growth. It is concluded that the increases in black employment over the first nine months
of the program are only partially the result of program. A second conclusion is that the occupational distribution of jobs
in the program does not differ from the distribution of jobs of blacks not in the program. A third conclusion is that the
program is underfunded. 相似文献
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Linda Datcher 《The Review of Black Political Economy》1980,10(4):391-394
Summary The primary purpose of this paper was to determine the effect of background on the education and earnings of black and white
men.It was largely motivated by a desire to quantify the extent to which past discrimination against Blacks, resulting in
lower achievement, inhibits the progress of individuals today in a somewhat more benign environment.It has demonstrated that
both community and family background factors are important in determining the levels of education and earnings of black and
white men.The community effects for Blacks operate largely through their moving into more integrated neighborhoods, so that
many positive community externalities are apparently not available to families in predominantly black middle-class neighborhoods.While
the effects of father’s education, city origin, and community income are comparable between Blacks and whites, white men’s
education is more affected by number of siblings, family income, and age of 1968 head of household than is black men’s education.The
relative sizes of the coefficients of these latter variables are consistent with steeper age-earnings profiles for older white
men than older black men and higher prices paid for investing in children by black parents. 相似文献
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Augustin Kwasi Fosu 《The Review of Black Political Economy》1988,17(1):31-45
The current article argues that the labor pattern of black women may be properly viewed within a trisectoral segmentation
of the labor market. A three-phase characterization of their relative earnings behavior over the postwar period is implied.
Empirical evidence lends support to the basic hypothesis of an acceleration in black female earnings growth, relative to white
males and females, during the intermediate post-1964 period, but a decline thereafter. The quadratic trend model and its logistic
transformation were found to fit the earnings patterns rather well. Projections based upon these models suggest that present
trends do not bode well for major gains in black female median earnings relative to those of white men and women in the near
future. 相似文献
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Augustin Kwasi Fosu 《The Review of Black Political Economy》1987,15(3):41-55
This article examines the earnings position of black females relative to white males for the post-1964 period. It finds that
over 70 percent of the 1965–78 growth in black female relative median earnings remains after controlling for previous trends,
education, and cyclical and labor supply changes. For full-time, year-round workers, the post-1964 trend independently implies
a growth rate about 50 percent higher than that actually observed. Approximately one-half of the gains are attributable to
race and the rest to the interaction of race and sex. The study finds no support for the censoring hypothesis that allocates
a substantial portion of the growth to labor supply decreases. While it suggests occupational mobility to be nonextraneous
in the earnings equation, the author argues that the black female now faces a mobility constraint more formidable than previously. 相似文献