首页 | 本学科首页   官方微博 | 高级检索  
相似文献
 共查询到20条相似文献,搜索用时 203 毫秒
1.
“新历史起点”上的中俄经贸关系   总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1  
2009年是新中国成立六十年,与此同时,也与俄罗斯建交的第六十年,是中俄关系发展进程中具有重要意义的一年。建交六十年来,中俄关系走过了不平凡的发展历程,两国战略协作伙伴关系已成为大国关系的楷模、睦邻友好的典范。当前,中俄战略协  相似文献   

2.
2009年是新中国成立六十年,与此同时,也与俄罗斯建交的第六十年,是中俄关系发展进程中具有重要意义的一年。建交六十年来,中俄关系走过了不平凡的发展历程,两国战略协作伙伴关系已成为大国关系的楷模、睦邻友好的典范。当前,中俄战略协作伙伴关系已站在新的历史起点上。  相似文献   

3.
<正>解读中俄关系,首先要从分析俄罗斯对外战略入手。回溯俄罗斯的历史文化源流,我认为俄罗斯之所以能从脱颖而出、成为陆上强国,是因为其文明得到了飞跃式发展,而这个文明源流即具有东方文明属性的东罗马文明。以988年弗拉基米尔大公要求全民受洗、东罗马帝国的大量书籍被翻译成斯拉夫语为标志,俄罗斯对东罗马文化的全盘接受,同时也奠定了其文明根基和文化自信。东正教对俄罗斯产生了两方面的重要影响:一是催生了帝国思想,激发了其领土扩张欲望,二是教化民众,塑造了道德、文化和民俗。因此,俄罗斯保持了小亚细亚文明的东方属性,是真正意义上的东方国家。  相似文献   

4.
在对哈萨克斯坦、俄罗斯进行国事访问前夕,国家主席胡锦涛日前分别接受了哈《哈萨克斯坦真理报》、《主权报》和哈萨克斯坦通讯社,以及俄《俄罗斯报》、俄通社-塔斯社和国际文传电讯社书面采访,就中哈关系、中俄关系、当前国际形势等回答了提问。  相似文献   

5.
当前,中俄关系正处于历史上最好的时期之一,政治互信得到加强,发展经贸科技合作的条件明显改善。俄罗斯地广人稀、自然资源丰富,是石油和天然气出口大国之一。因此,中俄两国在能源问题上的这种互补性和依赖性,加上两国之间的地域特点,决定了中俄两国之间在经贸合作问题上可以密切合作、互惠互利。本文就积极推进黑龙江与俄罗斯经贸合作的必要性及推进策略进行了分析,以此实现中俄双方互利共赢、共同发展。  相似文献   

6.
刘夷 《经济月刊》2014,(1):56-58
2013年,中国与俄罗斯两国最高领导人多次会晤,备受世界关注。这更坐实了中俄互为最主要、最重要的战略协作伙伴关系。展望未来,中俄关系走势如何?合作重点又在哪里?为此,《经济》记者采访了俄罗斯驻华大使安德烈·杰尼索夫,听他分析中俄双边关系走向与共同利益前景。  相似文献   

7.
李禹桥 《经济师》2014,(1):85-86
俄罗斯是世界上最重要的资源大国、科技大国、重工业大国之一,而中国在劳动密集型的消费品、电子产品生产中具有全球性竞争优势。俄中两国具有发展双边经贸关系的强烈愿望。通过比较,中国属于劳动密集型国家,而俄罗斯属于资源密集型国家。俄罗斯的重工业、军事工业比较发达,但轻工业、农业相对落后。日用消费品中国市场供过于求,在俄罗斯紧缺;资源产品在中国市场紧缺,而在俄罗斯市场供过于求。这为开展中俄合作提供了机遇,也能够改善中俄两国供需缺口,使两国相对价格趋同。俄罗斯地域广阔,两国在经济互补方面存在相当大的空间。  相似文献   

8.
"一带一路"国家发展战略持续推进的背景下,我国与俄罗斯、中亚各国之间的贸易往来越加频繁,相应的人才需求不断增加.就以商务俄语人才来说,商务俄语人才的运用,其能够有效地处理中俄贸易之间的商务事宜,拉近中俄关系,为促进我国更好发展奠定基础.  相似文献   

9.
随着国家建设规划的实施和经济结构的不断调整,激励着众多企业的产权结构由单一化、本土化转变为多元化、资本化。在这个大浪淘沙的转变过程中,一些企业由于不切实际的盲目扩张和混乱管理,最终一败涂地;  相似文献   

10.
刘夷 《经济月刊》2014,(1):59-59
俄罗斯国际人文合作署北京俄罗斯文化中心成立于2011年,时任俄罗斯总统梅德韦杰夫亲自参加中心开幕式。3年时间里,北京俄罗斯文化中心已为促进中俄文化交流、经贸合作举办多项活动,现任执行主任弗·格·马尔金从上世纪80年代起就任职于前苏联的文化部,研究中俄关系40年,亦是一位著名汉学家。  相似文献   

11.
俄罗斯科学院是俄罗斯科学的骨干力量,长期代表该国基础研究的最高水准。俄罗斯政府根据国家科学体制改革总体规划,以提高科研效率为目标,自2014年以来启动对科学院改革重组进程。通过介绍俄罗斯科学院改革背景,研究俄罗斯科学院改革前组织结构、人员组成、经费投入、论文发表数量及排名数据信息,列举影响俄罗斯科学院发展的障碍性因素,分析俄罗斯科学院新章程要点,并对其改革重组后角色转变、职能定位、与联邦科学机构署的关系、当前亟需解决的问题及未来地位等作出展望,旨在为中俄科技合作以及我国苏式科学机构改革,提供参考借鉴。  相似文献   

12.
Russia has been negotiating for accession to the WTO for some ten years, and there is still no prospect of an immediate conclusion to the process. The reasons for this are partly to be found in the international environment. In the past, the geo‐strategic concerns of the Western powers have created barriers to Russian integration into global trading structures. Even in the new, post‐September 11 environment, existing WTO members have continued to use the WTO accession process as a way of advancing their own commercial policies vis‐à‐vis Russia. But the main obstacles to speedy accession have been internal. While the Russian government as a whole is strongly in favour of WTO accession as a way of strengthening the market mechanism and reform processes within the country, significant elements within it are equally strongly in favour of high levels of protection for specific sectors, on national security and/or technological/infant industry grounds. While the Russian business community as a whole is divided over the merits of accession, the powerful manufacturing and banking lobbies are demanding levels of protection that would almost certainly be incompatible with accession. Russian views of WTO accession vary widely, within both government and the business community, and anyone who would lobby in favour of accession within Russia must bear this firmly in mind.  相似文献   

13.
The essays collected in this forum discuss the geopolitical legacy of the Russian Revolution of 1917, one of the most momentous political events of the twentieth century. From a range of different academic disciplines and perspectives, the authors consider how the profound transformations in society and politics were refracted through space and geography, and how enduring these refractions proved to be. The authors focus on three themes that have been dominant in Russian affairs over the past century: 1)the problem of center-periphery relations, 2)the civilizational dynamics of Russia’s self-identification in relation to Europe and to Asia, and 3)the geopolitics of national identity.  相似文献   

14.
This paper analyses energy relations concerning natural gas between Lithuania and Russia. Contrary to the existing literature, which stresses Lithuanian energy dependence, this paper argues that there had been interdependence between the two countries even before Lithuania underwent diversification at the end of 2014. The paper develops an analytical framework that examines: (a) physical energy relations, (b) the dominance of the energy agenda in mutual relations, and (c) the influence of the European Union. The analysis shows that while Lithuania was dependent on Russian supplies of natural gas, Russia was also dependent on Lithuania as a transit country of gas to Kaliningrad, a Russian enclave. Although Russia has shown a much higher willingness to employ an energy weapon than Lithuania, its efforts to exercise pressure on Lithuania have been negatively affected by the Baltic state’s position as a transit country. The European Union has played a crucial role as its pre-accession requirements and internal energy market rules have significantly influenced the energy relationship between the two countries.  相似文献   

15.
Andrew Foxall 《Geopolitics》2013,18(4):684-704
In the summer of 2007, the geopolitics of Russo-North Caucasian relations were once again manifest in inter-ethnic violence. During the course of six weeks of rioting between ethnic Russian (russkii) and non-ethnic Russian (rossiiskii) citizens, three students were killed (one Chechen and two Russians) and pogroms were conducted widely. This article addresses these events through a focus on the nature and politics of the riots and those involved. I argue that a range of tensions came together to form a localised geopolitics, and that this contributes to an understanding of why these events took place. Ultimately, the riots are important as an event which reveals much about the complexity of power, space, and identity in contemporary Russia.  相似文献   

16.
随着我国与俄罗斯在合成橡胶领域的合作不断深入,俄罗斯合成橡胶工业发展状况受到业内人士的极大关注。2012年,俄罗斯合成橡胶总产量125.53万t,橡胶出口总量为89.2万t。近几年,俄罗斯IR、BR、SBR、NBR及IIR几大品种合成橡胶产量基本呈平稳态势。俄罗斯下卡姆斯克石化股份公司是世界上最大的IR生产企业;俄罗斯丁二烯资源丰富,可生产几乎所有类型的NBR品种;俄罗斯是我国IIR最主要的进口国之一,其IIR技术也是我国相关单位关注的焦点。期望对俄罗斯合成橡胶工业(包括生产企业、技术特点、产品牌号等)发展现状所做的研究和分析,对我国合成橡胶工业的发展有所借鉴。  相似文献   

17.
俄罗斯一直是我国重要的贸易伙伴国,双边贸易潜力巨大,双向投资日趋活跃,中俄两国经贸关系不断深化。中俄双边投资规模和质量的快速提高,对中俄贸易的发展起到了积极的影响作用。通过分析俄罗斯对华直接投资对中俄贸易所产生的效应,能够更好地促进中俄经贸合作战略升级。本文从贸易与投资规模的角度,选取1992—2008年的中国对俄出口贸易额和对俄进口贸易额作为被解释变量,俄罗斯对华直接投资流量和存量作为解释变量,设立了多元回归分析模型,用以考察俄罗斯对华直接投资对中俄进出口贸易的短期和中长期影响。结果表明:俄罗斯对华直接投资流量对中国对俄出口贸易影响不显著,俄罗斯对华直接投资存量与中国对俄出口贸易之间存在互补效应,俄罗斯对华直接投资流量与中国对俄进口贸易之间存在互补效应,俄罗斯对华直接投资存量与中国对俄进口贸易之间存在替代效应。  相似文献   

18.
21世纪,中俄友好关系不断加强,中俄贸易迅速发展,对经贸俄语人才的需求也在增加,中国俄语经贸人才培养正面临着发展与挑战。经贸俄语人才培养的最终目的是为国家间的经济往来服务,而俄贸易迅速发展的新形势要求大量的经贸俄语人才。当前,国内高校俄语专业重点发展语言文学而忽视经贸俄语人才的培养,一定程度上造成了经贸俄语翻译人才的缺失。高校俄语人才培养应注重社会的需求。  相似文献   

19.
Emil Edenborg 《Geopolitics》2020,25(3):780-801
ABSTRACT

This article maps the specific ways in which gendered and racialized boundary constructs create conditions of possibility for certain bordering practices. Connecting Critical Border Studies with feminist theories of geopolitics, it examines media reporting in Russia and Sweden about “migrants‘ sexual violence” in the wake of the 2015 New Years‘ events in Cologne. Despite contextual differences, in both countries these events were narrated as symbolic in negotiating Europe and its borders. In Russia, the events were connected to a story of a Russian girl in Berlin being raped by migrants (a story later revealed to be fabricated) and a narrative of Europe collapsing because of immigration. In Sweden, the events were connected to reports of sexual violence at festivals, sparking a debate about “Swedish values” of gender equality being endangered by immigration. The article argues, firstly, that narratives of migrants‘ sexual violence performed bordering functions in both the symbolic sense of delineating national identity and Europeanness, and the concrete sense of legitimating a stricter border regime. Secondly, it argues that the narratives performed that function only by tapping into local geopolitical narratives, in the Russian case on the country‘s ambivalent relation to Europe, and in Sweden the idea of gender exceptionalism.  相似文献   

20.
ABSTRACT

This article contributes to international political economy debates about the monetary power autonomy (MPA) of emerging market and developing countries (EMDs). The 2014–15 Russian financial crisis is used as a case study to explore why an accumulation of large international reserves does not provide protection against currency crises and macroeconomic adjustments in EMDs. The analysis centres on the interplay between two dimensions of MPA: the Power to Delay and the Power to Deflect adjustment costs. Two structural factors condition Russia’s low MPA. First, the country’s subordinated integration in global financial markets increases its financial vulnerability. The composition of external assets and liabilities, combined with cross-border capital flows, restrict the use of international reserves to delay currency crises. Second, the choice of a particular macroeconomic policy regime embraced the financialisation of the – mainly state-owned – Russian banking sector, thus making it difficult to transform liquidity inflows into credits for enterprises. Russia’s main comparative advantage, hydrocarbon export revenues, is not exploited. The type of economy created due to the post-Communist transition means that provided ‘excessive’ liquidity remains in the financial system and is channelled into currency arbitrage. This factor increases exchange rate vulnerability and undermines Russia’s MPA.  相似文献   

设为首页 | 免责声明 | 关于勤云 | 加入收藏

Copyright©北京勤云科技发展有限公司  京ICP备09084417号