政治权利分析与民主政治建设

(一)权利作为人们在社会生活中根据一定法律规范享有满足自己利益要求的条件和机会,具有丰富的内容,如人身权、劳动权、休息权、权益保障权,等等。政治权利则是一种特殊的社会权利。政治权利是指根据宪法和法律,公民所享有的参与国家政治生活的各项权利。政治权利的突出特点在于它是公民依照宪法和法律规定,参与对国家和社会公共事     

人格权的民法保护

现代社会结构日益复杂,人格权利受到侵害的各种危险无时不在。为了使遭受人格侵害但法律又没有明文列举权利受侵害的受害人获得法律救济,民法应明确规定一般人格权。一般人格权的民法价值在于对人类自由与尊严的尊重和保护。它是一种框架性的权利,是人格权的下层权利,与具体人格权相对,是主体享有的支配法律规定的特定人格利益以外的人格利益的权利。它是概括人格独立、人格平等、人格自由﹑人格尊严全部内容的一般人格利益,并由此产生和规定具体人格权的个人基本权利。它是为弥补具体人格权封闭性缺陷而产生的概念,以人格独立、人格平等和人格尊严为其内容,具有解释功能、补充功能与创造功能。在我国民法典中应明确予以规定。     

跨文化分析的人类发展理论

本文阐述社会经济发展、个人解放取向的文化变迁、民主化三个过程所构成的社会进步的一种连聚合性的症候群。这样一种症候群,其共同焦点是不能由经典现代化理论所恰当地说明的。我们把这一症候群解释为"人类发展",意在表明,它的三个构成要素拥有一个共同焦点,即在于拓宽人类的选择。社会经济发展通过增加个人的资源,赋予人类以选择的客观手段;不断增长的解放取向的价值观强化了人们对于选择的主观定向而民主化则通过制度化的自由权利提供了选择的合法化保证。对"世界价值观调查"数据的分析表明,个体资源、解放取向的价值观、自由权利之间的联系在跨国家、跨地区和跨文化区域之间是普遍存在的;这种人类发展的症候群是被一种个体资源和对于自由权利的解放取向的价值观的因果效应所塑造的;而这种效应是通过它对于精英的品质的影响力而起作用的,因为这种因素使自由权利变得更有效。     

论诺奇克国家观中的自由至上原则

诺奇克是一名自由至上主义者,主张个人权利与个人自由神圣不可侵犯.诺奇克的国家理论就建立在其权利至上和自由至上的原则基础之上.他论证了"最低限度国家"产生的过程,认为"最低限度国家"是自然而然产生的,其发展经过了保护性社团、 支配性社团和超低限度国家的三个过程,最后发展为"最低限度国家"."最低限度国家"在形成的过程中并没有违反自由至上的原则,因此是合理的、 正义的.同时,诺奇克进一步提出"最低限度国家"是唯一合理的国家形式的观点,认为罗尔斯式的拥有功能更多分配国家和拥有功能更少的乌托邦国家都必将侵犯个人权利,违反自由至上原则,只有"最低限度国家"才能最少的侵犯个人权利和自由.     

中国文化视角下的权利冲突

权利作为一种社会关系的意愿表象，自诞生之日起就面临着不断的冲突．在西方的现代社会，尤其是以美国为主的法治国家权利冲突的主要原因之一是，权利的绝对化带来的恶果。鉴于此，学界相应的推出了权利相对化的理论。那么，是否相对的权利就能够化解权利的绝对化带来的社会中“孤立人格”、“冷漠的人际关系”与因个人绝对权利的强调带来的社会纷争不断的矛盾呢？在中国社会维度内权利的冲突的原因是否与西方国家的权利冲突的原因一致呢？     

“心中的伊甸园”系列之四 先占

国家财产属于全民所有。国家财产神圣不可侵犯,禁止任何组织或者个人侵占、哄抢、私分、截留、破坏。集体所有的土地依照法律属于农民集体所有,由村农业生产合作社等农业集体经济组织或村民委员会经营、管理。--《中华人民共和国民法通则》第七十三条、七十四条第二款 农民与土地的关系最为密切。宅基地是农民诸多土地权利中的一种,宅基地已是现代的城市人很难感受到的了,城市人已缺少了因对这种财产权利的享有而带来的愉悦。农民的宅基地是真正意义上的对地表之上横向的权利分割,它四至分明,按份享有,法律形式上的确权也是直接的,证书叫…     

公共真实中的社会和谐

公共真实是社会和谐必不可少的条件。只有在享有公共真实的社会中,人们才能有效地一起辨认当前生活中的不和谐因素,并一起克服这些因素。这样一个允许自由讨论和共同行动的社会空间就是公民社会。公民社会是就它做什么,而不是就它是什么而言的。公民社会不单单是一个拥有形式公民身份者构成的社会,而是一个让普通人能通过说真话和积极参与起到公民作用的社会。公民社会的和谐是由每一个公民的宪法权利来保障的。在公民社会中,生活在和谐之中,也就是生活在公共真实之中。公共真实是社会和谐的基础,社会和谐则是公共真实的结果。     

资本家和资本主义

中国为什么没有发展出资本主义？中国历史上是否有资本主义的萌芽？什么是资本主义？这些都是让人感兴趣的问题。资本主义就是国家权力不得侵犯公民个人的权利，就是运用国家权力的力量保护和增进公民个人的自由、财产和福利。就是保障公民权利至上的一种政治制度。这种资本主义在中国萌芽过吗？从来没有。     

公民意识觉醒与高校学生管理改革

公民意识包含丰富的内容,一方面表现为公民对国家政治和法律的了解和参与意识,表现为对自己在法律的框架内享有的权利和承担的义务具有清楚的认识,并能积极参与权利和义务的分担.另一方面表现为公民对自己所属的国家、群体和社会的认同,表现为爱国主义情怀和价值追求.值得注意的是,公民意识属于现代社会意识,具有现代性,体现先进性.尤其是我国现代化社会的建设进程中,公民要求自由与平等、民主与法制、公平与机会、权利与竞争等多种需求日益增加,这些需求都体现了公民意识的觉醒.公民意识觉醒是中国社会现代化的基本趋势,这个趋势必然促进人的现代化.     

理解农民福利权的重要性

农民福利权是国家向农民所提供的各项福利权利,包括政治权利、经济待遇和文化娱乐等方面,它反映了国家与农民之间的一种权利关系,农民依据宪法和有关法律享有与其它公民主体同等的福利权利,这既是现代国家公共服务职能的充分体现,也是公民社会个人权利意识的合理表达。由于中国工业化资金主要来自于以二元体制为基础的农业积累,而国家在很长一段时间内也并未理解向全民提供优质公共服务与政府统治权威来源这两者间的紧密关系,政策倾斜与观念滞后共同导致农民福利权长期以来被忽视,成为制约农村发展和提升农民生活品质的突出瓶颈。因此,理解农民福利权的重要性将不仅能进一步认识当前"三农"问题的实质,而且也有助于对未来新型城镇化战略蓝图的整体擘画。     

Ethics and Banking

Usually moral conscience has been forgotten after the individualist and utilitarian analysis. However, many people guide their behavior by a value system that is sensitive to social problems, such as equilibrium with nature, respect of human rights, and the equality of opportunities. People have the power to change the society: As consumers and as savers. As savers, people have the opportunity to choose, in financial markets, between institutions and products. In this paper, we will summarize the economic trends that observe a moral conscience in humans. Then, we will analyze if this moral conscience can have a translation in the financial sector. Can ethical banks and investment funds survive in the competitive financial sector? Can moral conscience be incorporated into financial business?     

马克思财产理论与公民社会治理的形成

马克思财产理论认为,财产、效率与自由具有内在的逻辑一致性,推动社会的发展、经济的繁荣和人们实体自由的增加；人类社会的三种财产历史形式,是对马克思财产理论的实证,实现了逻辑和历史的统一；现代社会催生的财产形式,对于当下我国建构公民社会具有启示意义.随着市场经济和改革开放产生的公民社会,在财产、经济效率与公民权利的内在逻辑中,必然呼唤和催生成熟的公民社会,在公民社会治理理念中实现政治社会、经济社会和公民社会的良性互动,实现和谐社会的建构.     

浅析“以权利为基准的道德辩护”

伴随着公民社会的建立与发展,人们在公共交往过程中越来越多地将＂权利＂作为基准为自身的观点和利益提供道德辩护。然而,由于将＂权利＂作为核心道德标准在中国公共领域时间还很短,引起公众对＂以权利为基准的道德辩护＂的诸多误解。通过逻辑分析与案例分析相结合的方法,试图澄清＂以权利为基准的道德辩护＂的理论边际和辩护结构;并且,在回应种种对＂以权利为基准的道德辩护＂的质疑的同时,论证该道德辩护方式的有效性与兼容性。     

Happiness, freedom and control

How do people value freedom of choice? Drawing on economics and psychology the paper provides an hypothesis and empirical evidence on how individuals may value freedom of choice and derive utility from it. It is argued that the degree of perceived control that individuals have over choice – a construct known as the locus of control in psychology – regulates how we value freedom of choice. People who believe that the outcome of their actions depends on internal factors such as effort and skills (the ‘internals’) have a greater appreciation of freedom of choice than people who believe that the outcome of their actions depends on external factors such as fate or destiny (the ‘externals’). We find some evidence in support of this hypothesis using a combination of all rounds of the World and European Values Surveys. A variable that measures freedom of choice and the locus of control is found to predict life satisfaction better than any other known factor such as health, employment, income, marriage or religion, across countries and within countries. We show that this variable is not a proxy of happiness and measures well both freedom of choice and the locus of control. ‘Internals’ are found to appreciate freedom of choice more than ‘externals’ and to be happier. These findings have important implications for individual utility, social welfare and public policies.     

The company you keep: Satisfaction with life,economic freedom,and preference-policy mismatch

We examine the interaction between individual preferences for markets and state-level economic freedom as it relates to Satisfaction with Life (SWL). Fundamental tenets of economic freedom assert that societies free of excessive government involvement are wealthier and, ultimately, happier; individuals who are allowed to pursue self-interest are argued to be more motivated and more productive, and so society as a whole is better off. Though there is substantial empirical evidence that freer societies are wealthier, the evidence connecting economic freedom and happiness is less clear. We explore the relationship between economic freedom and SWL at the individual level. We examine differences between personal preferences for free markets and state policy and how this ‘preference-policy mismatch’ is related to SWL. We then briefly examine the relationship between preference-policy mismatches and individual self-reported voting behavior, including implications for Tiebout sorting. This study is the first to focus on individual economic ideology, i.e. individual level of support for free markets, and SWL in the United States. Combining individual and state level data we offer improvements to prior studies in a number of areas including an enhanced measure of life satisfaction, a richer basis for examining left-right differences than simple political identification, and an examination of the effect of preference-policy mismatches on satisfaction with life. We find significant relationships between SWL and individual support for markets, state-level economic freedom, and preference-policy mismatch. Further, preference-policy mismatch is positively associated with self-reported voting frequency. We find little support for Tiebout sorting.     

Saving face and group identity

Are people willing to sacrifice resources to save one’s and others’ face? In a laboratory experiment, we study whether individuals forego resources to avoid the public exposure of the least performer in their group. We show that a majority of individuals are willing to pay to preserve not only their self- but also other group members’ image, even when group identity is minimal. When group identity is made more salient, individuals help regardless of whether the least performer is an in-group or an out-group. In contrast, people are less likely to sacrifice for individual strangers, showing a major role for group identity and reputation concerns within groups relative to an interpretation in terms of moral norms.     

构建和谐社会的文化渊源及历史意义

和谐及其和谐社会思想有着悠久的文化历史渊源。“和谐”的哲学内涵是“和而不同”：“和谐社会”有两种形态：一种是低级的小康（糠）社会;一种是高级的大同社会。构建社会主义和谐社会是巩固党的执政地位的需要,是科学发展观的延续和发展,是中国走向世界的最佳途径。     

Towards an operational sustainability criterion

This paper examines the concept of sustainability and its implications for environmental policy analysis. It builds on the premise that present society holds a moral obligation to pass on a world of undiminished life opportunities to members of future generations. Maintaining life opportunities, in turn, can be achieved by maintaining or improving a diverse set of resources and capabilities that support a person's freedom to define and pursue her own conception of the good life. On an operational level, this framework points to the following guideline for environmental policy: Protecting the rights of future generations requires either the conservation of environmental resources or compensatory measures (including the provision of substitute technologies) that ensure the fair and proportionate sharing of net benefits over intergenerational time scales. In this framework, resource depletion is permissible only if (with reasonable certainty) it would generate a Pareto improvement relative to a baseline scenario involving strict resource conservation.     

Justifying Human Rights: Economics and the Individual

This paper examines the relationship between the individual conception in economics and the justification of economic rights as human rights. It briefly describes the nature of economic rights, and argues that the Homo economicus conception constitutes a barrier to justifying them. The paper then offers an alternative conception of the individual as socially embedded, and argues that it offers an adequate basis for the justification of economic rights. On this alternative conception individuals are enduring beings who have personal identities.     

Normative judgments and spontaneous order: The contractarian element in Hayek's thought

This paper explores the apparent tension between Hayek's moral skepticism and his role as a defender of liberal institutions. It looks at Hayek's concept of spontaneous order, and asks whether there are any grounds for claiming that spontaneous orders have moral value. The argument from group selection is considered but rejected. Hayek is interpreted as putting most weight on arguments which show, for specific orders (such as the market and common law) that their rules assist each individual in the pursuit of his or her ends, whatever those ends may be. It is suggested that this form of argument is contractarian in character. However, Hayek's contractarianism is distinctive in that it looks for agreement among individuals within an ongoing social order, rather than among rational agents who stand outside any particular society. This paper was written while I was a Visiting Scholar at the Social Philosophy and Policy Center, Bowling Green State University; I am very grateful for the Center's support. An early version was presented at the Friedrich August von Hayek Memorial Symposium in Freiburg, in June 1993. In revising the paper, I have benefited from the comments of the participants at that symposium.