Assessing black progress: voting and citizenship rights,residency and housing,education

Farley discusses progress US blacks have made in the areas of voting and citizenship rights, residency and housing, and education. A major goal of the civil rights movement was to permit blacks to influence the electoral process in the same manner as whites. Most important in this regard was the Voting Rights Act of 1965; the proportion of southern blacks casting ballots increased sharply since the early 1960s. The Civil Rights Act of 1875 outlawed racial segregation in public accommodations, but by the turn of the century, Jim Crow laws in southern states called for segregation in most public places. Common customs and government policy in the North resulted in similar segregation of blacks from whites. The Montgomery bus boycott and similar protests in dozens of other cities led to enactment of Title II of the Civil Rights Act of 1964, which proscribed such racial practices. By the late 1960s, blacks in all regions could use the same public accommodations as whites. In most metropolitan areas, de facto racial segregation persisted long after the laws were changed. Supreme Court decisions and local open-housing ordinances supported the right of blacks to live where they could afford. However the major change was the Fair Housing Act of 1968, which outlawed racial discrimination in the sale or rental of most housing units. The separation of blacks from whites did not end in the 1970s. Today, in areas which have large black populations, there are many central city neighborhoods and a few in the suburbs which are either all-black or are becoming exclusively black enclaves. Most other neighborhoods have no more than token black populations. Another major effort of civil rights organizations has been the upgrading of housing quality for blacks. By 1980, only 6% of the homes and apartments occupied by blacks lacked complete plumbing facilities (down from 50% in 1940). Unlike the modest changes in residential segregation, racial differences in housing quality have been greatly reduced. By 1960, black students approached parity with whites in terms of measurable aspects of school facilities. In 1940, young blacks averaged about 3 fewer years of educational attainment than whites; the time is nearing when the years of schooling completed by blacks and whites will be the same. In small and medium-sized cities throughout the country, public schools are generally integrated. However, the situation in the largest metropolitan areas is very different. Today, large public schools are segregated, in large part, because blacks and whites live in separate school districts.     

Black-White Disparities in Care in Nursing Homes

Nursing homes serve many severely ill poor people, including large numbers of racial/ethnic minority residents. Previous research indicates that blacks tend to receive care from lower quality nursing homes. Using the Institute of Medicine (IOM) definition of racial-ethnic disparities, this study decomposes nursing home disparities into within and across facility components. Using detailed person-level nursing home data, we find meaningful black-white disparities for one of the four risk-adjusted quality measures, with both within and across nursing home components of the disparity. The IOM approach, which recognizes mediation through payer status and education, has a small effect on measured disparities in this setting. Although we did not find disparities across the majority of quality measures and alternate disparity definitions, this approach can be applied to other health care services in an effort to disentangle the role of across and within facility variation and the role of potential mediators on racial/ethnic disparities.     

Spatial and Racial Patterning of Real Estate Broker Listings in New York City

It has been well documented that Black homeseekers face discrimination in the housing market in the form of racial steering and other institutional policies and practices that are critical in limiting housing access. Less is known about the mechanisms that operate on the other side of real estate transactions to perpetuate racially segregated neighborhoods. We investigated whether White and Black brokers face segregation in the housing market. That is, to what extent do White and Black brokers differentially market property listings in neighborhoods of varying racial composition? Using real estate listings extracted from the websites of two of the largest New York City real estate brokerages, we examined whether Black and White brokers market properties primarily in Black and White neighborhoods, respectively; and whether, controlling for gender and experience level, Black brokers had a lower average price per square foot than White brokers. Results showed that Black brokers overwhelmingly marketed properties in Black neighborhoods, with fewer listings in White areas. Black brokers also marketed properties with an average price per square foot that was $197 lower than White brokers. Black brokers who worked in offices in Black neighborhoods had the lowest asking price of all brokers. Taken together, Black and White real estate brokers control a bifurcated market in NYC, perpetuating residential segregation and Black–White income and wealth disparities.     

Hispanic Self-identification and Birth Weight Outcomes among U.S.- and Foreign-born Blacks

Black infants are more likely to suffer from poor health at birth compared to non-blacks. However, most existing infant health research focuses solely on non-Hispanic blacks and fails to consider the role of ethnic self-identification on infant health disparities. Using 2002 Vital Statistics Natality Data, this paper investigates whether Hispanic ethnicity is related to birth weight among U.S.- and foreign-born black mothers. The results from regression analyses suggest that Hispanic blacks give birth to heavier infants than non-Hispanic blacks. Maternal behaviors such as prenatal care and smoking fail to explain these birth weight differences. However, the observed within-group birth weight differences among blacks are far more modest compared to the black-white birth weight disparities identified in the extant literature. Thus, while it is important to pay attention to within-group differences among blacks, it is still critical to address the needs of black Hispanics with respect to racial disparities in infant health outcomes.     

The Subprime Crisis and African Americans

There is a long history of unfair housing and lending practices in the United States and generally, African Americans have been disproportionately negatively impacted by these activities. In order to understand the current economic crisis and its impacts on African Americans, one must first explore the historical spectrum of discriminatory actions leveled against blacks in housing and mortgage lending. This paper discusses the recent subprime mortgage crisis and identifies the ways that African Americans were impacted. It provides an historical review of mortgage lending and housing discrimination and the role that public policy played in these practices. It then chronicles the subprime mortgage crisis and connects the consequences of lending policy run amok by targeting minority communities.     

The Impact of Medical Education Reform on the Racial Health Status Gap, 1920–1930: A Difference-in-Differences Analysis

The racial impact of a quantity–quality tradeoff in physician supply (implemented through medical education reform) made during an era of racial segregation is assessed. The reform produced differential impacts across race and region. The health status of northern blacks improved the most; that of southern blacks the least. Accordingly, the health status gap between northern whites and blacks diminished, but the gap between southern blacks and every other demographic group increased. The path of northern blacks suggests that access to and high quality of health care are both necessary to close the racial gap in health status that persists today.     

Can ‘Baby Bonds’ Eliminate the Racial Wealth Gap in Putative Post-Racial America?

Despite an enormous and persistent black-white wealth gap, the ascendant American narrative is one that proclaims that our society has transcended the racial divide. The proclamation often is coupled with the claim that remaining disparities are due primarily to dysfunctional behavior on the part of blacks. In such a climate it appears the only acceptable remedial social policies are those that are facially race neutral. However, even without the capacity to redistribute assets directly on the basis of race, our nation still can do so indirectly by judiciously using wealth as the standard for redistributive measures. We offer a bold progressive child development account type program that could go a long way towards eliminating the racial wealth gap.     

Race,amenities, and psychic income

Even when there are no racial wage differences between black and white faculty in institutions of higher learning in the Deep South, there are significant racial differences in amenities such that the psychic income of blacks is lower than that of whites. It is demonstrated that black faculty will tend to have higher turnover rates than whites if racial discrepancies in amenities exist. The maintenance of old traditions that affect job satisfaction of blacks acts as a margin to neutralize integration efforts. The assumption that equal pay is equivalent to equal opportunity is challenged.     

Insurance redlining and the process of discrimination

Insurance redlining and the racially discriminatory consequences of the sale of property insurance have been documented in several cities throughout the United States. In this study teams of “testers”—comparably qualified insurance consumers who differed only in the racial composition of the neighborhood of the homes they sought to insure—contacted three Milwaukee area insurance companies regarding the possibility of purchasing insurance for their homes. Though no blatantly discriminatory behavior was exhibited, agents representing these companies expressed a clear preference to pursue business in white communities and placed additional barriers in the way of testers from nonwhite neighborhoods. These findings parallel changes in other institutional sectors of the housing industry where blatantly discriminatory behavior has generally given way to more subtle forms of bias. Policy recommendations are offered to reduce existing racial disparities in the availability of insurance and to open up housing markets in general for minorities.     

The Effect of a Program‐Based Housing Move on Employment: HOPE VI in Atlanta

We combine records of Atlanta Housing Authority (AHA) clients, Georgia Department of Labor (DOL) employment records, and neighborhood characteristics to analyze the causal effect of an exogenous move out of public housing on the employment of public housing residents. The exogenous move was caused by a HOPE VI or HOPE VI‐like project in Atlanta. We find that such an exogenous move has a positive and statistically significant effect on the probability of employment for those residents who moved relative to other public housing tenants. We also compare the change in employment of those whose exogenous move was to another public housing unit to those who took a housing voucher. We also compare the change in the probability of employment associated with an exogenous move and a voluntary move and find that both types of moves are associated with a greater probability of employment as compared to those who did not move.     

Family structure, school attendance, and child labor in the American South in 1900 and 1910

Even in the early 20th century, black children were much more likely to be living apart from one or both parents than were white children. This paper examines the contribution of these racial differences in family structure to the racial differences in children’s experiences in the American South. Living apart from one or both parents was associated with lower school attendance and greater labor market participation, particularly for blacks. However, racial differences in adult literacy, household resources, and school characteristics were much more important for explaining the racial gaps in children’s activities than were racial differences in family structure.     

论我国经济社会发展中需要关注的几个问题

目前,我国经济社会发展中需要关注的几个问题是：正确划分市场机制发挥作用的领域,教育、医疗卫生、住房等领域不能进行完全的市场化改革。在统筹城乡发展、实现城乡经济社会一体化的过程中,各地区要因时因地制宜,采取切实可行的措施。加强社会主义精神文明建设要从最基本的道德要求做起。     

Civil rights legislation and the housing status of black americans: Evidence from fair housing audits and segregation indices

The Fair Housing Act of 1968 made discrimination against minorities in the sale or rental of housing illegal. Twenty years later the Act’s coverage was expanded and its enforcement mechanisms strengthened in response to pressure from fair housing advocates and evidence of continued segregation and discrimination. Segregation indices and fair housing audits provide measures of the extent and nature of residential segregation and housing discrimination. High levels of residential segregation suggest that housing discrimination exists, and audits give a direct measure of the incidence of discrimination. To date, housing audits consistently show that black auditors encounter discriminatory treatment in the housing search process. Whether the strengthened enforcement mechanisms of the Act will have a substantial impact on housing market discrimination and, in turn, residential segregation, remains to be seen.     

Assessing black progress: employment,occupation, earnings,income, poverty

Farley discusses changes in employment, occupation, earnings, income, and poverty among US blacks. Among black men, there has been a persistent rise in unemployment since 1960. By the early 1980s, 1 black man out of 8 had dropped out of the labor force, compared to 1 in 20 white men. Some contend that many black men lack the skills to be employed or have personal habits and criminal records which make them unacceptable to employers. Others believe that the expansion of federal welfare programs offers attractive alternatives to men who have limited earnings potential. Still others stress that blacks are concentrated within cities, while the growth of employment is occurring in suburbs. Among those blacks over age 54, labor force participation has declined because of improved Social Security benefits, better private pensions, and the greater availability of Supplemental Security Income. The employment of young blacks compared to whites has deteriorated since 1960. For both races, there has been a steady rise in the employment of women. The recent increases, however, have been great for whites. By the early 1980s, white women caught up with black women in terms of employment. Unlike the indicators of employment itself, there is unambiguous evidence that the occupational distribution of employed blacks has been upgraded and is gradually becoming similar to that of whites. Findings from many studies show that blacks once earned much less than similar whites, but this racial difference has declined among men and has nearly disappeared among women. The proportion of blacks impoverished fell sharply in the 1960s, reaching a minimum of 30% in the early 1970s. Since the early 1970s, blacks have made few gains. The proportion impoverished actually increased and the ratio of black-to-white family income declined. The fact that the earnings of black males are no longer rising faster than those of whites and that there is no longer a migration from southern farms to cities plays a role, but changes in family structure are also important. At all dates, poverty rates have been high and income levels low in families headed by women. In 1984, for example, 52% of the black families with a woman as head of household were below the poverty line, compared to 15% of the black married-couple families. While similar trends are occurring in white families, there has been a sharper increase in the proportion of blacks living in these female-maintained families which have high poverty rates.     

Racial inequality and white employment: An interpretation and test of the bargaining power hypothesis

This article disputes the argument and the evidence used to conclude that white workers are hurt by discrimination against blacks. Racism may increase the bargaining power of white workers if it unifies white ethnics, and may benefit them if it reduces job competition. The distributional consequences of discrimination will vary with the intensity of aggregate unemployment and the degree of racial segmentation in the labor market. The impact of racial inequality on the probability of employment is evaluated with a cross-sectional model using census summary data on SMSAs. Results show that racial inequality improves white male and female employment prospects in 1980, and suggest the same for 1970.     

Wage Dynamics and Racial and Ethnic Occupational Segregation Among Less-Educated Men in Metropolitan Labor Markets

We assess whether occupational segregation in metropolitan labor markets is associated with the wages of, and contributes to racial/ethnic wage disparities among, less-educated men. To measure occupational segregation in metropolitan low wage markets, we create a segregation index measuring segregation between white, black, and Latino male high school-only educated workers and high school dropouts in 95 metropolitan labor markets utilizing a unique dataset of the structural characteristics of the ninety-five largest US metropolitan labor markets. We use regression, fixed effects, and generalized least squares estimation techniques to test whether this index is associated with wages and racial wage inequality among these men. The analyses reveal that in metropolitan labor markets characterized by more racial and ethnic segmentation in the low wage market, wages are lower among black and Latino men in particular, and racial-ethnic wage disparities among similarly less-educated white, black, and Latino men are higher.     

Race and cesarean delivery in Florida

At a time when the Clinton Administration has set a goal of eliminating racial disparities in health by the year 2010, medical experts are struggling to understand one of the most glaring, and least talked about, disparities of all: death in childbirth. In a study made public this spring, the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention in Atlanta reported that black women in the U.S. were nearly four times as likely to die during delivery, or shortly thereafter, as white women. The disparity, which has remained about the same for the last four decades, holds true even for women who … are middle class and have health insurance. The findings … have renewed interest among scientists and legislators in a problem that many peoole think no longer exists … Dr. David Satcher, the United States Surgeon General, (says) “the disparity is important. In this country, we have a certain standard of expectation about the risk of women dying in pregnancy, and black women are off the scale right now.” (Sheryl Gay Stolberg, “Black Mothers' Mortality Rate Under Scrutiny,” Front Page, 8 Aug. 1999 New York Times)     

Racial steering in urban housing markets: A review of the audit evidence

A secondary analysis of thirty-six fair housing audits conducted between 1974 and 1987 reveals that racial steering has been a widespread, consequential phenomenon in many urban housing markets during the last decade. It is difficult from extant work to assess precisely its incidence nationally in the home sales sector because sites reporting such data have had atypically active fair housing enforcement efforts. It appears, however, that selective commentary by agents has been practiced as much if not more than differential patterns of home-showings. The consequence of this steering rarely has been to limit the number or concentration of geographic alternatives available to black auditors. Nor have all their options in predominantly white communities typically been precluded. Rather, steering in the sales sector most often has constituted a failure to show white auditors options in areas (and school districts) with nontrivial proportions of minority residents, and a propensity to show black auditors disproportionate numbers of homes in areas currently possessing or expected to possess significant proportions of minority residents. Limited evidence suggests that steering has occurred often in the rental apartment sector, although its consequences have yet to be ascertained in a systematic fashion. Implications of the findings for racial stability in neighborhoods and for fair housing policy are discussed.     

北京市保障性住房运行机制优化--基于房地产市场现状分析的视角

文章以北京市为例,从分析其房地产市场现状入手,探讨保障性住房理想的运行机制。分析发现,北京市房价泡沫化严重。文章还从房价走势机理分析了保障性住房对房价调控的意义。认为,现阶段房价调控最佳手段是规划建设大量保障性住房。北京市保障性住房运行机制有待进一步优化,包括北京市保障性住房宜以廉租房、公共租赁房等租赁型为主。在房源调控方面,既要根据市场需求,又要保持政策的独立性;在融资模式上宜加大土地出让金出资比例;加强保障性住房租购家庭的动态监测与管理,严禁转租转售;加强保障性住房规划的统筹性,建立长效机制以及完善保障性住房基础设施和公共服务设施等。