Labor market racial discrimination against black women

Conclusion The data we have reviewed describe black women as having achieved parity with white women and indicate that this conclusion is not seriously affected after controlling for the direct and indirect effects of differences in time worked. However, the economic position of black women is not uniform throughout the economy. Black women have advanced primarily in public sector jobs and these advances have been made primarily by the youngest cohorts. Progress in the private sector has been much slower. Claims that a “new labor market” exists for black women ought to be carefully qualified, for their progress is impressive primarily when they are compared to white women—another disadvantaged group. Both groups of women are falling farther behind men in terms of relative earnings.16 Furthermore, it may be quite erroneous to interpret small differences in earnings between black and white women as evidence that black women do not suffer racial discrimination, as the following example illustrates.     

The impact of black mayors on the black community: The case of New Orleans’ ernest morial

Conclusion Dutch Morial is deeply respected by the New Orleans black community. According to a poll conducted in April 1983 by Rose-Stekler Associates, 80% of the black respondents gave Morial “excellent” or “good” job ratings, compared to only 11% who found him doing a “fair” or “poor” job. Despite very limited resourses, the Morial mayoralty has facilitated the entrance of the black middle class into the governmental process, providing access to city contracts and administrative positions. On the other hand, the black underclass has received meager rewards in the form of employment or a reduction in police brutality. Hopefully, economic development, in the long-run, will create jobs and provide additional city revenue to fund services for the poor. But for now, the primary impact of a black mayor on the black community of New Orleans has been symbolic kinds of benefits. Yet the potential positive benefits of a black mayor serving as a role model for black youth, as well as the value of civil rights rhetoric in fostering hopefulness and a more self-reliant black community, should not be underestimated. The characterization of the status of the civil rights movement in 1983 offered by C. T. Vivian, head of the Anti-Klan Network, well applies to New Orleans black community today: “Everything has changed and nothing has changed. The statistics are still terrible. But the atmosphere is totally different.”⁴⁹     

The origin,birth, and adolescence of the review of black political economy and the black economic research center

The Review of Black Political Economy (RBPE) and the Black Economic Research Center (BERC) arose from the atmosphere of the late sixties, when black nationalism was at its apex and vigorous efforts were under way to give meaning to the concepts of “black economic development” and “black capitalism.” They were created as vehicles to assist black economists and economic activists to analyze and disseminate relevant data on black economic affairs and to explore and facilitate new approaches to black economic problems.RBPE offered black economists a place where they could publish their work and share it with their colleagues. The flavor ofRBPE has changed somewhat over its twenty-three year life, becoming less polemical and more scholarly.     

Economic forces,structural discrimination and black family instability

The social and economic gains achieved by black families during the 1960s were severely eroded during the seventies and eighties. Unemployment, poverty, single-parent families, out-of-wedlock births, and adolescent pregnancies soared to alarming levels. According to the thesis of the declining significance of race, this crisis is mainly concentrated among the black “underclass” and it is broad societal trends, not racism, that is mainly responsible for their increased deprivation. We contend that this thesis fails to assess the role of institutionalized racism as it is manifested in “unintended” or “structural” discrimination, i.e., the disproportionate adverse effects of economic trends and policies on the functioning of low-income and middle-income black families. Moreover, we argue that social forces or policies that have racially disparate adverse effects are “discriminatory” by result, whether intended or not. The major economic trends that affected black families adversely during the seventies and eighties were: back-to-back recessions, double-digit inflation, and industrial and population shifts. The key economic policies that undermined black family stability have been: anti-inflation fiscal and monetary policies, trade policies, plant closings, social welfare, block grants, and federal per capita formulas for allocating funds to states and local areas that have not been corrected for the census undercount.     

Big philanthropy and the funding of black organizations

Conclusion The general overview of foundation giving to promote black interests and the specific look at the Ford-MARC relationship support the notion that few foundation grants will go to “controversial” or “political” projects. The Peterson Commission estimated that only three percent of all private foundation grants are “innovative” and an even smaller percentage are “politically controversial.” Most often, these projects usually become controversial after the grant is made. A 1971 Urban League study revealed that grants for human services made by private foundations to black and Spanish-speaking communities were disproportionately low when measured in terms of the per capita needs of the minority population. Nevertheless, it is unrealistic to expect Ford, Rockefeller Brothers, Mott, or Carnegie to redistribute income or become the “cutting edge of social change”.     

Racial differences in consumer expenditure patterns, 1972–73

Summary and Conclusion In this paper, we have endeavored to analyze black-non-black differences in expenditure patterns as revealed by the 1972–73 BLS Consumer Expenditure Interview Survey Summary. Specific data shortcomings have been noted above. In addition, however, possible black-non-black differences in the propensity to misreport or withhold information may have affected the reliability of our findings. With these limitations in mind, the evidence of the survey data points to a main conclusion, namely, that although the “average” black consumer unit tended to spend a larger proportion of its after-tax income than the “average” non-black unit-just as the well-known stereotype implies-the statistical model underlying our analysis suggests that black consumer units with the same “characteristics” (after-tax income, family size, regional location, as well as the same age, education, and retired-nonretired status of family head) as the average non-black units tended to spend a smaller-not larger-proportion of their income than did the “comparable” non-black units. In addition, the model suggests that if Blacks maintained their own average characteristics but had the same “consumer behavior” as non-blacks, their APSp would rise substantially.     

Black women in employment and training programs

This article examines the past experience of women-with a focus on black women-in employment and training programs. In spite of the fact that women have been underrepresented in these programs and often steered toward training in “traditionally female” occupations, they exhibit higher postprogram earnings gains than males. Overall, however, the training provided has at best shifted women into low-wage clerical fields with average annual earnings barely above the poverty level. Therefore, these programs-taken alone-can not be expected to have a major impact on an important problem facing blacks: welfare dependency.     

A note on the apparent constancy of the racial wage gap in New Jersey manufacturing, 1902 to 1979

Conclusion This discussion around the black-white wage gap will continue. Inadequate data alone will make it difficult to distinguish recent fluctuations and once-only changes from long-term trends. For those who believe the racial wage gap is narrowing, the 1902 New Jersey survey of blacks in manufacturing presents a puzzle. Why at the outset of black entry into this sector of the economy do we find a racial wage gap as narrow as the one observed for New Jersey manufacturing in 1969, a year at the top of the post-World War II business cycle? Michael Reich argues that “in every region but the South the relative income of non-white males shows substantial cyclical fluctuations… but shows no upward trend over time.” The baseline established by the 1902 New Jersey survey is compatible with Reich’s conclusion.     

Implications of revenue sharing for black political and economic goals

Conclusions Thus far urban development has been subject to the “regulation” of forces generated by the market economy. Such planning as has existed has been overwhelmed by the dynamics of market forces, perverted priorities, political fragmentation and economic differentiation. The joint goals of removing the “crisis” elements of urban growth and of expanding black political potential have provided the framework in which we have analyzed revenue sharing. We have analyzed the specific Nixon and Mills proposals as well as the general idea of revenue sharing, and compared revenue sharing proposals to present Federal aid to state and local governments.     

The Contribution of Economists to Understanding Racial Health Disparities in the US

Much research on the issue of health disparities in the United States has been produced by health services researchers across disciplines, particularly medical care providers, public health workers and sociologists. Many economists have also studied health disparities. This special issue of Atlantic Economic Journal highlights in particular the role of economic scholarship in this important national debate. This article, introducing the special issue, categorizes the contribution of many economists to the literature on health disparity. The literature reviewed ultimately includes 107 articles published between 1998 and 2008. Articles by any of the 932 economists that were members of the American Society of Health Economists in 2006 publishing about racial/ethnic health disparities as found in Medline, articles related to racial/ethnic health disparities published in Health Economics or the Journal of Health Economics or through searches in EconLit were reviewed for inclusion.     

African-oriented and Euro-American-oriented world views: Research methodologies and economics

Conclusion This paper has shown two things. First, it has indicated some of the philosophical ways in which a “pure” African-oriented world view differs in kind from the “pure” Euro-American-oriented one. Second, it has set forth some of their respective differences in research methodology, primarily focusing on the area of economics. However, neither of these world views and, therefore, their research methodologies have absolute validity. Each can claim validity only under its respective limiting conditions. In the words of Kuhn, “truth may, like proof, be a term with only intra-theoretic applications.” In effect, no interworld view comparison can or should be made in terms of absolute correspondence to reality. However, overseas Africans in America do embody both world views in varying degrees. Researchers on black people, therefore, must be familiar with both methodologies in order to analyze completely the behavior of Afro-Americans.     

Monetary policy on the 75th anniversary of the federal reserve system Edited by Michael T. Belongia Amsterdam: Kluwer Academic Publishers, 1991, 278 pp.

Conclusion Printed on the back cover of this volume is a summary of its contents that includes the statement that the book “…is perhaps best seen not as the end-product of a recent research agenda but as a roadmap for future research on unresolved issues in monetary theory and policy.” This certainly is truth in advertising. Although the roadmap provided in this book is not unflawed, it is brilliantly colored and well marked and should be widely read by students and practitioners alike.     

Black-owned banks: Issues and recommendations

Conclusion A number of suggestions have been made here which could be used to advantage by black banks. Several are already being used on a limited scale. In addition to instances cited previously, there are several other black or “interracial” banks which have located in white areas. Among these are the Universal Bank located in the Wall Street area of New York City; the interracial Vanguard National Bank in Hempstead, New York, a Long Island suburban area; and the American State Bank of Tulsa, Oklahoma, with a reported 30 percent white customers. Similarly, the black United Mortgage Bankers Association (UMBA) is in the process of using the device of pooling of mortgages. This article first appeared in theCalifornia Management Review no.1 (Fall 1974), and is reprinted with their permission.     

Do Investors Care if Steve Jobs is Healthy?

Steve Jobs of Apple, Inc., is one of the best known CEOs in the world, and some stock analysts have termed him “irreplaceable.” Using conventional event study methods, we test the magnitude of these announcements on Apple’s share price and its market capitalization. We focus upon nine “events” between 2004 and 2009 in which new information about Mr. Jobs’ health was flushed into the marketplace, on occasion by Apple itself, but more often by the commentary and speculations of media observers, stock analysts and bloggers. We find that the impact of these announcements upon Apple share prices is mixed, usually modest, and disappears over time. We conclude that Jobs’ health has an impact on Apple’s share price and market capitalization, but that impact is not always negative and not nearly as large as many observers apparently believe.     

Biological V. Social Definitions of Race: Implications for Modern Biomedical Research

Misconceptions concerning the concordance of biological and social definitions of race are ongoing in American society. This problem extends beyond that of the lay public into the professional arena, especially that of biomedical research. This continues, in part, because of the lack of training of many biomedical practitioners in evolutionary thinking. This essay reviews the biological and social definitions of race, examining how understanding the evolutionary mechanisms of disease is crucial to addressing ongoing health disparities. Finally it concludes by laying bear the fallacies of “race-specific” medicine.     

Surplus people and expendable children: The structure of apartheid and the mortality crisis in South Africa

South Africa’s apartheid scheme is considered as a paradigm case for the creation and maltreatment of a putatively surplus population. Both active and passive policies are identified that are utilized to contain the numbers of the black population of the nation. Of particular significance is a strategy of neglect that has led to exceptionally high infant and child mortality rates in the “homelands.” In addition, the South African authorities’ efforts to destabilize neighboring regimes in Angola and Mozambique has had similarly adverse repercussions on mortality rates there.     

Rhonda M. Williams: Competition, race, agency, and community

As the United States approaches the twenty-first century… in an information-based, transnational and managerial economy, it is becoming increasingly apparent that if we do not better negotiate race and ethnicity in our society, we will not adequately solve the problems of economic inequality and discrimination. Racial and/or ethnic divisions and competition shape our efforts to understand and challenge hierarchy and inequity. As long as we ignore those issues, we cannot solve the problems of poverty, unemployment, and crime, nor effect productive job creation and economic justice. Absent a cultural and economic reckoning with racism’s legacies, we will fail to revitalize our cities and to recover from the socioeconomic costs of “ending welfare as we knew it.” Although masked behind pronouncements of a “color-blind” society, unfinished racial business weakens our national will to provide one another the portfolio of social and economic rights essential to the sustenance of humane community in the post-industrial global economy. (Nembhard and Williams 1998).     

Social bias in the recruitment of black elected officials in the United States

Conclusion Common to patterns found in other elites, the recruitment of the black elite is highly selective and biased towards certain kinds of individuals. Blacks who are female, not highly educated, who have low status occupation, or are not involved in conventional political activities are at a decisive disadvantage in the political arena. Serious obstacles, therefore, remain for the “average” Black—the overwhelming majority—who aspires to a political career.     

The employed black: The dynamics of work-family tension

The interrelationship of job stressors, job strain, and marital strain among black police officers is examined using a “Work-Family Tension Model.” Perceived job stressors, such as differential treatment based on racial status, tended to affect job strain. Furthermore, job stressors (direct/indirect) and job strain tended to influence the level of marital interaction and potential for separation and divorce. The implications these findings have for work organizations are discussed.