Globalization, Poverty, and Inequality since 1980

One of the most contentious issues of globalization is the effectof global economic integration on inequality and poverty. Thisarticle documents five trends in the modern era of globalization,starting around 1980. The first trend is that growth rates inpoor economies have accelerated and are higher than growth ratesin rich countries for the first time in modern history. Developingcountries’ per capita incomes grew more than 3.5 percenta year in the 1990s. Second, the number of extremely poor peoplein the world has declined significantly—by 375 millionpeople since 1981—for the time in history. The share ofpeople in developing economies living on less than $1 a dayhas been cut in half since 1981, though the decline in the shareliving on less than $2 per day was much less dramatic. Third,global inequality has declined modestly, reversing a 200-yeartrend toward higher inequality. Fourth, within-country inequalityin general is not growing, though it has risen in several populouscountries (China, India, the United States). Fifth, wage inequalityis rising worldwide. This may seem to contradict the fourthtrend, but it does not because there is no simple link betweenwage inequality and household income inequality. Furthermore,the trends toward faster growth and poverty reduction are strongestin developing economies that have integrated with the globaleconomy most rapidly, which supports the view that integrationhas been a positive force for improving the lives of peoplein developing areas.      

HOUSING AND INCOME DISTRIBUTION IN RUSSIA: ZHIVAGO'S LEGACY

The inadequacy of housing and its effect on the quality of lifego a long way toward explaining many aspects of Russian life,but little data has been available to determine how housingaffected the relative well-being of the citizenry. This paperpresents comprehensive data examining for the first time theeffect that seventy years of a socialist housing allocationscheme had on the distribution of income. It seems clear thathousing provided by the government or by employers has a valuethat can be measured to yield useful inferences about the distributionof income and wealth. This article shows that housing allocation had a progressiveeffect on the distribution of income in Russia. In addition,when the imputed value of housing is added to household income,the increase in income inequality that occurred in recent yearsis significantly reduced. The analysis concludes with a discussionof how housing policy could be used to address poverty concerns,an important aspect of the transition process.      

The Potential and Limitations of Self-Targeted Food Subsidies

Can self-selection ofsubsidized commodities be used as a mechanismto transfer income to the poor? Evidence from two self-targetingprograms, one in South Africa and one in Tunisia, shows thatalthough self-targeting can clearly improve the distributionof food subsidies to the poorest members of society, its powerto alleviate poverty and reduce income disparities is limitedby preference patterns, income inequality, and the size of theindividual subsidies. Self-targeting through quality and productdifferentiation can be a useful means to reform existing universalsubsidy schemes, but it should be considered a transitionaltool while the capacity for implementing more precise mechanisms is developed.      

TECHNOLOGICAL CHANGE AND COMMERCIALIZATION IN AGRICULTURE: The Effect on the Poor

Do the economic gains brought by technological innovation andcommercialization in agriculture work their way through to thepoor? The prevailing optimistic view is that they do. But thisview is not universal: some hold that these forces for changecan interact with, or even induce, institutional and marketfailure, with adverse consequences for the poor. Adherents of the pessimistic view point to real-world instancesin which the poor have failed to reap the benefits, or evenhave lost, from the technological change or commercialization.Where these effects have occurred we find that they are mostlyattributable to inelastic demand or adverse institutional features;often, when technology or commercialization has been blamedfor the decline in income of the poor, other—not necessarilyconnected—policies have in fact been responsible for thedamage. This article contends that the optimistic view is, by and large,correct: normally, technology and commercialization stimulateagricultural growth, improve employment opportunities, and expandfood supply—all central to the alleviation of poverty.The evidence does not offer much encouragement to an extensionof this view—that through "social engineering" the benefitsfrom technology and commercialization can easily be targetedtoward the poor; the limited opportunities for such targetingshould of course be seized.      

MACROECONOMIC ADJUSTMENT AND POVERTY IN AFRICA: AN EMERGING PICTURE

The view that macroeconomic adjustment disproportionately hurtsthe poor in Africa has become commonplace. The popular mediaand the nongovernmental aid community frequently express thisview in critiques of Bankfunded economic reform programs. Yetthe evidence on which the claim has been based is flimsy andanecdotal. The emergence of more convincing data, from detailedhousehold surveys in Africa, provides an opportunity to setthe record straight. The evidence from six African countries reviewed in this articledemonstrates that poverty was more likely to decline in thosethat improved their macroeconomic balances than in those thatdid not. The critical factor is economic growth: the economygrew more rapidly and poverty declined faster in countries thatimproved macroeconomic balances, depreciating the real effectiveexchange rate. Changes in the real exchange rate also immediatelyand favorably affected rural incomes, benefiting the poor bothdirectly and indirectly. But the findings also highlighted threecauses for policy concern. First, many African governments haveyet to display a real commitment to macroeconomic reform; second,the poorest of the poor have not benefited from recent growthin some countries; and, third, the prospects for the poor arenot rosy unless there is more investment in human capital andbetter targeting of social spending.      

HOW WELL CAN METHOD SUBSTITUTE FOR DATA? FIVE EXPERIMENTS IN POVERTY ANALYSIS

No one doubts that good data are essential to sound policymaking.Alas, data are invariably faulty. Methodological solutions todata inadequacies have often been proposed and implemented,but they have been tested only rarely. Yet the methods thatare used may well determine the direction of policy. For example,the particular survey method used—and the way nonsurveydata are interpreted—may be critical in assessing whethera country's strategy for reducing poverty is working. This articleshows how counterfactual experiments can help test the reliabilityof various methods of dealing with common data problems. Well–designedmethods—and they need not be very complicated—canhelp get around the problem, although it appears that substitutingmethod for data is a long way from being perfect.      

Who is Not Poor? Dreaming of a World Truly Free of Poverty

When the World Bank dreams of "a world free of poverty," whatshould it be dreaming? In measuring global income or consumptionexpenditure poverty, the World Bank has widely adopted the $1a day standard as a lower bound. Because this standard is basedon poverty lines in the poorest countries, anyone with incomeor expenditures below this line will truly be poor. But thereis no consensus standard for the upper bound of the global povertyline: above what level of income or expenditures is someonetruly not poor? This article proposes that the World Bank computeits lower and upper bounds in a methodologically equivalentway, using the poverty lines of the poorest countries for thelower bound and the poverty lines of the richest countries forthe upper bound. The resulting upper bound global poverty linewould be 10 times higher than the current lower bound and atleast 5 times higher than the currently used alternative lowerbound of $2 a day. And in tracking progress toward a world freeof poverty, the World Bank should compute measures of globalpoverty using a variety of weights on the depth and intensityof poverty for a range of poverty lines between the global lowerand upper bounds. For instance, rather than trying to artificiallyforce the global population of 6.2 billion (a billion is 1,000million) into just two categories "poor" and "not poor," withthe new range of poverty lines the estimates would be that 1.3billion people are "destitute" (below $1 a day), another 1.6billion are in "extreme poverty" (above $1 a day but below $2dollar a day), and another 2.5 billion are in "global poverty"(above extreme poverty but below the upper bound poverty line).      

Counting the World's Poor: Problems and Possible Solutions

As recent discussions have made clear, the apparent lack ofpoverty reduction in the face of historically high rates ofeconomic growth—both in the world as a whole and in specificcountries (most notably India)—provides fuel for the argumentthat economic growth does little to reduce poverty. How confidentcan we be that the data actually support these inferences? Atthe international level, the regular revision of purchasingpower parity exchange rates plays havoc with the poverty estimates,changing them in ways that have little or nothing to do withthe actual experience of the poor. At the domestic level, theproblems in measuring poverty are important not only for theworld count but also for tracking income poverty within individualcountries. Yet, in many countries, there are large and growingdiscrepancies between the survey data—the source of povertycounts—and the national accounts—the source of themeasure of economic growth. Thus economic growth, as measured,has at best a weak relationship with poverty, as measured.      

EDUCATION VOUCHERS IN PRINCIPLE AND PRACTICE: A SURVEY

An education voucher system exists when governments make paymentsto families that enable their children to enter public or privateschools of their choice. The tax-funded payments can be madedirectly to parents or indirectly to the selected schools; theirpurpose is to increase parental choice, to promote school competition,and to allow low-income families access to private schools.Some opponents predict that vouchers will destroy the publicsystem, aggravate poverty, and foster segregation. Others fearthat voucher-receiving independent schools will be regulatedout of recognition. The main purpose of this article is to examine the recent emergenceof voucher systems as an interesting phenomenon in its own right.The evidence summarized relates to voucher systems operatingin twenty countries, provinces, and states. The typical "funds-follow-the-child"voucher system, in which governments subsidize "schools of choice"in strict proportion to enrollment, appears to be the favoriteform. This type of voucher has been adopted by developing countries—notablyBangladesh, Belize, Chile, Colombia, Guatemala, and Lesotho—aswell as by industrial countries such as Poland, Sweden, theUnited Kingdom, and the United States. Much of the recordedexperience with such programs is pertinent to the longstandingtheoretical debates on the desirability of voucher systems.      

Paths of Institutional Development: A View from Economic History

This article surveys an influential new research program onhistorical paths of institutional development and their consequencesfor growth. The research program exploits the experience ofEuropean colonialism as a kind of "natural experiment" whoseresults bear on the way institutions affect development. Thecentral hypothesis of this research is that societies that beganwith more extreme inequality were more likely to develop institutionsallowing much of the population only limited access to economicopportunities. The research has uncovered a striking reversalof fortune among the areas colonized by Europe; those that wererelatively rich in the 1600s are today far poorer than the areas(such as the United States and Canada) that initially were viewedas relatively undesirable. The timing of the reversal—atthe onset of the Industrial Revolution, when there was probablya premium on broad participation in commercial activity—suggeststhat institutions associated with high inequality may be a causalfactor in low aggregate incomes. This research program is stillin its early stages. But studies of institutions in India usingdata rich enough to permit hypothesis-testing provide evidencesupporting the hypotheses developed in the analysis of the Europeancolonial experience.      

Rural Poverty: Old Challenges in New Contexts

Poverty is still a predominantly rural phenomenon. However,the context of rural poverty has been changing across the world,with high growth in some economies and stagnation in others.Furthermore, increased openness in many economies has affectedthe specific role of agricultural growth for rural poverty reduction.This paper revisits an ‘old’ question: how doesgrowth and poverty reduction come about if most of the poorlive in rural areas and are dependent on agriculture? What isthe role of agricultural and rural development in this respect?Focusing on Sub-Saharan Africa, and using economic theory andthe available evidence, the author comes to the conclusion thatchanging contexts has meant that agricultural growth is onlycrucial as an engine for growth in particular settings, morespecifically in landlocked, resource-poor countries, which areoften also characterized by relatively low potential for agriculture.However, extensive market failures in key factor markets andlikely spatial effects give a remaining crucial role for ruraldevelopment policies, including focusing on agriculture, toassist the inclusion of the rural poor in growth and development.How to overcome these market failures remains a key issue forfurther research. JEL codes: O41, Q10, O55     

What Should the World Bank Think about the Washington Consensus?

The phrase "Washington Consensus" has become a familiar termin development policy circles in recent years, but it is nowused in several different senses, causing a great deal of confusion.In this article the author distinguishes between his originalmeaning as a summary of the lowest common denominator of policyadvice addressed by the Washington-based institutions (includingthe World Bank) and subsequent use of the term to signify neoliberalor market-fundamentalist policies. He argues that the latterpolicies could not be expected to provide an effective frameworkfor combating poverty but that the original advice is stillbroadly valid. The article discusses alternative ways of addressingthe confusion. It argues that any policy manifesto designedto eliminate poverty needs to go beyond the original versionbut concludes by cautioning that no consensus on a wider agendacurrently exists.      

Appraising Workfare

Workfare programs aim to reduce poverty by providing low-wagework to those who need it. They are often turned to in a crisis.This article offers some simple analytical tools that can beused to rapidly appraise the cost-effectiveness of an existingworkfare operation as a basis for deciding whether the programshould be expanded. For pedagogic purposes, two stylized versionsof a range of programs found in practice are analyzed: one fora middle-income country, the other for a low-income country.The cost of a given gain to the poor is about the same for bothprograms, although the components of that cost are very different,with implications for the timing of benefits. The author pointsto program design changes that could enhance the impact on poverty.      

The Evolution of Poverty and Inequality in Indian Villages

This paper examines the evolution of poverty and inequalityin rural India by reviewing longitudinal village studies. Itexplores the main forces of economic change—agriculturalintensification, changing land relations, and occupational diversification—froma wide range of disciplinary perspectives, and it considersthe roles of various institutions as conduits of change. Althoughmost village studies support the survey-based judgment thatrural poverty declined in India during the 1970s and 1980s,they find that progress has been slow and irregular and thatinequalities within villages have persisted. These continuedinequalities may constrain both the scope for further povertyreduction from economic growth and the impact of policy interventions.      

ON "HUNGER AND PUBLIC ACTION": A Review Article on the Book by Jean Dreze and Amartya Sen

Recent writings on poverty and hunger agree broadly on objectivesand means but diverge significantly in emphasis. Views differon the importance and function of economic growth and on howmuch weight to give to direct public support. These differencescan matter in policy choices. Hunger and Public Action, by JeanDrèze and Amartya Sen, is an important contribution tothe literature on antihunger policy. This article criticallyexamines the issues raised by the book, its differences withother recent writings, and the implications for both policyand future research on policy.      

Data and Dogma: The Great Indian Poverty Debate

What happened to poverty in India in the 1990s has been fiercelydebated, both politically and statistically. The debate hasrun parallel to the wider debate about globalization and povertyin the 1990s and is also an important part of that debate. Theeconomic reforms of the early 1990s in India were followed byrates of economic growth that were high by historical standards.The effects on poverty remain controversial, however. The officialnumbers published by the government of India, showing an accelerationin the rate of poverty reduction from 36 percent of the populationin 1993/94 to 26 percent in 1999/2000, have been challengedfor showing both too little and too much poverty reduction.The various claims have often been frankly political, but thereare also many important statistical issues. The debate, reviewedin this article, provides an excellent example of how politicsand statistics interact in an important, largely domestic debate.Although there is no consensus on what happened to poverty inIndia in the 1990s, there is good evidence both that povertyfell and that the official estimates of poverty reduction aretoo optimistic, particularly for rural India. The issues coveredin this article, although concerned with the measurement ofpoverty in India, have wide international relevance—discrepanciesbetween surveys and national accounts, the effects of questionnairedesign, reporting periods, survey nonresponse, repair of imperfectdata, choice of poverty lines, and interplay between statisticsand politics.      

Calm After the Storms: Income Distribution and Welfare in Chile, 1987-94

After rising during most—but not all—of the 1960–85period, inequality in Chile seems to have stabilized since around1987. Following the stormy period of economic and politicalreforms of the 1970s and 1980s, no statistically significantLorenz dominance results could be detected since 1987. Scalarmeasures of inequality confirm this picture of stability, butsuggest a slight change in the shape of the density function,with some compression at the bottom being "compensated for"by a stretching at the top. As inequality remained broadly stable,sustained economic growth led to substantial welfare improvementsand poverty reduction, according to a range of measures andwith respect to three different poverty lines. Poverty mixedstochastic dominance tests confirm this result. All of thesefindings are robust to different choices of equivalence scales.     

AID IN THE DEVELOPMENT PROCESS

This article examines the economic effects of aid and the relationshipsamong private capital flows, official flows, and concessionalassistance. It considers whether official and concessional flowsimprove the welfare of both recipient and grantor, and it outlinesthe economic rationale for concessional assistance. The impactof aid on a recipient's growth performance is analyzed, andsome criticisms of aid are evaluated.      

Targeting Revisited

Public spending programs aimed at alleviating poverty can eitherbe broadly targeted at categories ofspending or narrowly targetedat types of people. Each approach has benefits and costs tothe poor. It is often claimed that narrow targeting of the poorwill allow governments to reduce pQverty more effectively andat lower cost. But narrow targeting often has hidden costs,and once these costs are considered, the most finely targetedpolicy may not have any more effect on poverty than a broadlytargeted one. Both approaches also have hidden benefits, althoughless is known about their impact. Targeting can help, but itis not a cure-all. Reducing poverty calls for broadly targetedsocial sector spending combined with narrower targeting of cashand in-kind transfers to spec groups. It is also important forgovernments to experiment with schemes that offer better incentives,to carefully monitor the costs and outcomes, and to be flexibleand pragmatic in their policy responses.      

How Have the World's Poorest Fared since the Early 1980s?

A new assessment is made of the developing world's progressagainst poverty. By the frugal $1 a day standard there were1.1 billion poor people in 2001—almost 400 million fewerthan 20 years earlier. During that period the number of poorpeople declined by more than 400 million in China, though halfthe decline was in the early 1980s and the number outside Chinarose slightly. At the same time the number of people in theworld living on less than $2 a day rose, so that there has beena marked bunching up of people living between $1 and $2 a day.Sub-Saharan Africa has become the region with the highest incidenceof extreme poverty and the greatest depth of poverty. If thesetrends continue, the 1990 aggregate $1 a day poverty rate willbe halved by 2015, meeting the Millennium Development Goal,though only East and South Asia will reach this goal.