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1.
宋利芳 《亚太经济》2007,(2):104-108
澳大利亚是世界上第二个制定反倾销政策的国家,其反倾销政策具有自身的特点。同时,在反倾销实践中,澳大利亚被称为全球四大传统反倾销用户之一,而中国则成为澳大利亚实施反倾销政策的首要目标国。本文从澳大利亚的反倾销管理体制出发,分析了澳大利亚反倾销政策的主要内容,进而考察了澳大利亚反倾销政策及其实践的特点。  相似文献   

2.
日本反倾销政策及其特点探析   总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1  
宋利芳 《亚太经济》2006,27(6):101-104
日本是世界上最早实施反倾销制度的国家之一,其反倾销政策具有自身的特点。同时,在美国和欧盟等发达国家或地区纷纷采用反倾销手段保护本国产业、国际反倾销摩擦愈演愈烈的大背景下,同为发达国家的日本却很少发起反倾销调查。本文从日本反倾销政策的基本内容出发,考察了日本反倾销政策及其实践的特点,并分析了形成这些特点的相关原因。  相似文献   

3.
文章从进出口贸易大环境、欧美国家反倾销政策、周边国家纺织业崛起等方面对我国纺织品外贸现状作了一个总体分析,最后提出了相应的策略.  相似文献   

4.
欧盟反倾销法曾将中国等十几个国家明确列为非市场经济(non-marketeconomy),对来自这些非市场经济国家的进口商品的倾销实行的是类比国标准(analogUecountry)。而在今年4月27日,在卢森堡举行的欧盟外长理事会正式同意了欧盟委员会去年12月16日提出的建议,在欧盟反倾销政策方面不再将中国列入非市场经济,并将修改有关政策。这一政策的变化对我国将产生许多方面的影响。一、欧盟原有对中国反倾销政策存在的问题1.“非市场经济”定义不清欧盟反倾销法有关“非市场经济”国家的条款以及其体现的类比国际准,来源于GATT的有关规定,…  相似文献   

5.
入世后 ,我国取得了平等竞争的外部环境。我们在履行承诺的同时 ,要拿起反倾销的武器来勇敢地保护自身的利益。要培养一批反倾销的队伍 ;尽快树立法律维权意识 ;增加我国外贸政策的透明度 ,促使一些国家修改对我国反倾销政策。  相似文献   

6.
于潇媛 《辽宁经济》2001,(6):8-8,39
2001年对于向美国出口的中国钢铁产品来说,是一个不容乐观的新世纪之初。元旦前后,美国国际贸易委员会宣布,初步裁定我国宝钢、鞍钢、武钢、安钢、本钢以及莱钢等六家钢铁公司生产的热轧钢为“对美倾销”。 据WTO 倾销委员会统计,1989年到1999年间,针对中国产品的反倾销调查有247起,其中158起裁定为倾销成立,占世界总量的15.3%;裁定率高达64%,位居榜首。中国已成为反倾销政策的最大受害国。随着中国入世的到来,我国企业和欧美国家之间的倾销与反倾销矛盾将进一步激化,如何利用WTO的有关法律武器…  相似文献   

7.
于鹏  吕博 《中国经贸》2013,(17):46-49
早在1997年,墨西哥糖洒生产商协会向墨西哥商业部提起反倾销调查申请,声称原产于美国的高糖玉米糖浆以倾销的价格出口到墨西哥,对墨西哥糖业构成实质损害威胁。至此,美国与墨西哥玉米糖浆的贸易争端正式拉开帷幕。2005年10月7日,WTO争端解决机制专家组发布报告,裁定墨西哥违反WTO国民待遇规则,虽然仲裁结束后已历时九年,但该案在诸多海外贸易争端中很有代表性,对我们也有颇多启示,故在此回放以飨读者。  相似文献   

8.
我国面临的倾销与反倾销现状及应对措施   总被引:2,自引:1,他引:1  
陈朴 《南方经济》2002,(7):52-54,69
国外产品对我国的倾销以及针对我国产品的反倾销,给我国经济发展带来了严重的损害。目前我国对此越来越重视。本文说明了我国遭遇国外倾销及国外针对我国产品的反倾销的现状,较详细地分析了造成这种现状的主要原因,并针对性地提出了几点应对措施。  相似文献   

9.
借助异质产品的Bertrand双寡头模型,本文分析了一国反倾销政策对该国企业和外国企业的研发、产品价格及社会福利的影响。研究结论表明:与自由贸易相比,当产品的差异度较小时,受反倾销政策保护的企业会策略性地利用反倾销政策而退出国外市场,减少研发投入,进而提高产品价格,而遭受反倾销政策约束的外国企业由于其研发投入的边际收入增加,因而会增加研发投入,降低产品价格。此外,反倾销政策的存在还有可能促进各国社会福利的提升。  相似文献   

10.
倾销的经济学和法学研究   总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1  
在国际经济加速一体化的当今世界,反倾销已成了各国保护本国工业、规避世界贸易组织贸易保护条款的一大利器。本文从经济学和法学的角度,研究了倾销的认定和倾销的成因,倾销行为以及反倾销规则,从而对完善我国的反倾销立法以及企业的反倾诉讼具有现实的指导意义。  相似文献   

11.
While there has been considerable interest in recent years in the role of macroeconomic determinants of antidumping actions by the United States and other traditional users, on the one hand, and the determinants of the growing global usage of this trade policy instrument, on the other, there has to date been no systematic exploration of the motivations for the significant number of foreign antidumping cases filed against US exporters. Several observers have remarked that the growing number of foreign users of antidumping might threaten US exporters, but the determinants of these actions have not been examined. That is the purpose of this study. We find that these actions are in part explained by macroeconomic forces and as a response to US export superiority in particular sectors, however a significant role (and larger than found for global antidumping more generally) is played by retaliation for US trade policy actions. JEL no.  F13  相似文献   

12.
本文在理论机理分析的基础上,全面实证评估了我国对外反倾销措施的产业救济效果。通过选取1997~2007年全体、国有和外资企业加总的行业面板数据,搜集在此期间我国发起的所有对外反倾销案件,采用系统GMM动态面板估计方法,实证检验了措施对于行业出口、产值、就业人数、利润、企业数目以及劳动生产率的救济作用。结果发现,中国对外反倾销的产业救济效果良好,尤其明显地提高了行业利润、产值、企业数、生产率以及就业人数,但对出口影响较微弱;同时效果主要体现在行业总体和私营企业上,对国有和外资企业基本无显著影响;比较而言,行业利润和生产率的救济效果最突出,其次是产值、就业和企业数目。出口基本无显著影响。由此政策上应进一步强化和完善我国的反倾销申诉与执行机制。  相似文献   

13.
Trade liberalization under GATT/World Trade Organization (WTO) has been partly offset by an increase in antidumping protection, possibly due to the inclusion of sales below cost in the definition of dumping. This article investigates the domestic government's antidumping duty choice in an asymmetric information framework, in which the foreign firm's cost is observed by the domestic firm, but not by the government. We show that by designing a tariff schedule contingent on firms' cost reports and accompanied by a threat to collect additional information for report verification, the domestic government may not only be able to extract the true cost information, but also succeed in implementing the full‐information, governmental welfare‐maximizing duty. The antidumping framework within GATT/WTO may thus not only offer the means to pursue strategic trade policy disguised as fair trade policy, but it also helps overcome informational problems with regard to correctly determining the optimal strategic trade policy.  相似文献   

14.
In recent decades, the WTO has resulted in a worldwide reductionof tariffs and VERs. Instead a new type of trade policy hasemerged in the form of antidumping measures. In principle theiruse should be limited to instances of unfair foreign imports.However, even without unfair pricing, a foreign importer canfall within the scope of the European antidumping legislation.The purpose of this paper is to analyze the interaction betweenunionization and the likelihood, type and effects of antidumpingmeasures. We present a simple theoretical model which is wellembedded in EU legal practice, to show that the presence ofEuropean unions leads to an increase in both the likelihoodand the level of antidumping protection. In addition our resultsindicate that a cost asymmetry in the form of a unionized wagedifferential can alter the relative probability of a duty versusan undertaking. These effects depend on the intensity of productmarket competition. The paper concludes with some evidence fromEU antidumping cases between 1985-95.  相似文献   

15.
Over the past three decades, we have seen a dramatic increase in the incidence of temporary trade barriers such as antidumping duties and countervailing duties. China has been at the receiving end of a large number of such measures. In this paper, we study how China's exports to its major trade partners have been affected when its major trade partners have used these measures either against China or against other countries. We find that Chinese exports to the country that imposed an antidumping duty decreased by approximately 35 percent. At the same time, an antidumping duty used by the importing country that was directed towards other countries but not against China led to an approximate 30‐percent increase in China's exports to the policy‐imposing country. These results remain robust across various specifications. Our findings have important policy implications. In particular, the magnitude of these effects highlights why it is important to curb the recent widespread use of these barriers.  相似文献   

16.
Do contributions to politicians affect trade policy? To examine this question, we have compiled a new, unique database containing information on political donations by the specific firms and labor organizations that have petitioned for antidumping protection from imports, as well as data on the outcomes of their requests. Using an empirical framework based on the 1994 “protection for sale” model, we examine the relationship between antidumping decisions and political activism. Our results indicate that money does matter. We find that politically active petitioners are more likely to receive protection and that antidumping duty rates tend to be higher for that group. In addition, the relationship between the import penetration ratio and duties imposed depends on whether or not petitioners are politically active—antidumping duties are positively correlated with the import penetration ratio for politically inactive petitioners but negatively correlated for politically active petitioners, consistent with the Grossman‐Helpman model's predictions.  相似文献   

17.
王超 《亚太经济》2008,31(1):83-87
WTO多边贸易体制下的反倾销法和竞争政策具有一致性,但也存在诸多冲突之处。国际社会对二者的协调提出三种方案,其中,以在《反倾销协议》中引入竞争政策的改良方案比较切合目前实际。但长远看,还是需要在WTO内建立一个协调各国竞争政策的法律框架和机制。当然,这最终取决于多边贸易体制的发展和各国实力的彼此角力。  相似文献   

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