自由现金流量和机构投资者对在职消费的影响

本文手工收集了我国沪深两市2009-2013年公司在职消费相关数据,构建具体模型实证研究自由现金流量、机构投资者对在职消费的影响.结果表明,自由现金流量是引起在职消费的重要因素,自由现金流量越多,在职消费可能性越大;机构投资者与公司管理层在职消费呈现负相关关系,对公司管理层在职消费行为有适当的制约作用;不同类型的机构投资者对在职消费的约束作用存在差异,其中,基金公司、保险公司、社保基金、券商和QFⅡ都与在职消费呈负相关关系,各类机构投资者对公司在职消费产生制约作用,但显著性不强.     

休闲之大众状态及其与消费的关系

大众文化、消费主义,现代休闲如何游走其间?休闲是人们从时间中解放出来,摆脱功利物欲,能使身心得到完善的体验行为。现代休闲存在于大众向度之中,它表达的是人们对多元化自由的追寻,满足人们当下的审美体验;它需要身心的高度投入,以个性化方式圆满自我。一方面,消费社会是大众休闲产生的滥觞;另一方面,休闲恰恰体现了大众对消费主义的挣扎和反叛。休闲具有更为深刻的、非经济学的意义,即对于人本身的救赎。     

消费主义与我国旅游消费的异化

本文在对消费主义及其危害进行概述的基础上，指出在我国日益升温的旅游消费中出现了明显的消费主义倾向，集中表现为大众旅游消费的趋从性和高端旅游消费的炫耀性。文中对我国旅游消费中消费主义产生的原因进行了管理层次和心理层次的分析，提出了建设可持续旅游消费的若干建议。     

自由的代价——轿车消费"外部性"评析

人们在享受轿车消费所带来的舒适、自由时却不得不面对环境污染、交通拥堵和交通事故等诸多问题的挑战;并不是所有人都能享受到轿车普及所带来的便利和优越性,但轿车消费产生的外部性问题却要全社会来共同承担成本和代价,这里面就隐藏着一个严重的社会公平、正义问题。当然,轿车消费的外部性问题还不仅仅体现在以“交易成本”为分析视角的经济学领域,还存在于社会心理、社会舆论等各个层面。     

比较分析正常性消费与消费主义

随着经济全球化不断深入,消费主义逐渐蔓延于世界各个角落。许多学者把消费主义当做金融危机的诱因进行反思,后危机时代重新审视消费主义价值观和生活方式,出现了反对消费主义扩大化现象,甚至将应对金融危机政府所提出的正常性刺激消费政策误解为在提倡消费主义。究竞消费主义与正常性消费的区别标准是什么？本文试图理清消费主义与正常性消费的区别,着重研究消费主义内涵与特征及消费主义与正常消费的区别标准。     

我们更自由了吗？

如果问今天的国人，改革开放20多年以来社会最大的变化是什么?我想不少人会回答：生活水平提高了，人们更自由了。     

自由发展视域下的基本公共服务均等化研究

逐步实现基本公共服务均等化已成为我国构建社会主义和谐社会的重要使命之一.本文从阿马蒂亚·森的自由发展观入手,强调发展的目标是获取人的实质自由,政府有义务建立基本公共服务体系,满足人的基本需要,保障人们最基本的人身自由,从而寻求实质自由.基本公共服务均等化满足人们自由发展的基本要求和目标,能够借助增强自由发展的执政思想、提供自由发展的权利保障、完善自由发展的信息评估体系以及构建以政府为主体的多元供给模式的方式来加以实现.     

生态文明视角下的消费模式转变

随着消费主义文化的全球蔓延,不健康的消费模式被认为是全球环境危机的重要原因之一。从生态伦理学、经济学和社会学的角度来看,消费主义社会的本质特征是符号消费,而消费欲望的不断升级是造成生态危机和经济、社会不可持续发展的内在原因。为此,我们应在生态文明的视角下,构建生态消费模式,以促进人-社会-自然更加健康、和谐地发展。     

扩大内需背景下的消费伦理构建

消费是经济发展的根本动力,在全球金融危机下,刺激消费、扩大内需对经济的增长与发展尤为重要。但消费也要把握好度,就是要培养具有合理之需、适度消费的观念。消费者在有消费需求倾向时,要用消费伦理对自己的消费欲望进行恰当的、必要的衡量。本文对扩大内需过程中可能出现的消费主义倾向,从消费伦理角度进行客观评价,在分析消费主义表现的同时,提出在国际金融危机背景下需要构建适度消费伦理。     

无歧视社会的自由观念——自由观念与歧视观念的对立与融合

现代社会，一个真正的无歧视的自由价值观的形成是新形成人群达到自由的必由之路。人们要求的并不仅仅是一种鸟托邦的信念，更重要的是现实生活的改善。德沃金指出，所有的人都在实践对优良生活的某种理解。移民中的精英应该反思的是作为，要在不断与新的自然环境，社会环境，政治环境和陌生人群打交道的过程中实现新的现实自由。     

Democracy and growth

Growth and democracy (subjective indexes of political freedom) are analyzed for a panel of about 100 countries from 1960 to 1990. The favorable effects on growth include maintenance of the rule of law, free markets, small government consumption, and high human capital. Once these kinds of variables and the initial level of real per capita GDP are held constant, the overall effect of democracy on growth is weakly negative. There is a suggestion of a nonlinear relationship in which more democracy enhances growth at low levels of political freedom but depresses growth when a moderate level of freedom has already been attained. Improvements in the standard of living—measured by GDP, health status, and education—substantially raise the probability that political freedoms will grow. These results allow for predictions about which countries will become more or less democratic over time.     

适度消费与环境保护

本文从经济活动的消费入手,揭示过度消费对环境造成的巨大危害并分析其原因,进而提出适度消费的观点和实行适度消费的两点建议。     

Free From What? Classical Competition and the Early Decades of American Antitrust

ABSTRACT

Classical economists characterised free competition as, alternatively, freedom of contract and freedom to trade. These notions were still at centre stage of the economic discourse during the Gilded Age and early Progressive Era, notwithstanding the dramatic rise in industrial size and concentration. In particular, they played a key role during the so-called formative era of American antitrust (1890–1914). The essay argues that the history of economic thought may offer an essential, though seldom recognised, perspective for understanding the rationale behind some of the Sherman Act’s early case law. As it turns out, US courts were still framing their discourse in terms of the two classical images of free competition. Proposals for antitrust reform would in turn stem from the difficult reconciliation between these images and the new reality of Corporate America.     

消费主义价值观解析:合理与风险

消费主义价值观是与消费社会的出现相伴而生的,它的存在真切地反映了消费在社会发展中的重要作用.但是,作为一种价值观,消费主义在使用时也是风险四伏的.从本质上说,它是对一种新的异化现象的某种认同,是工具理性极端发展的必然结果,是从属于"资本的逻辑"的.它鼓励人们从消费中寻求人生的意义,因而不仅使人们对物欲的追求趋于无限,而且也给人类带来了深重的生态危机、精神危机以及价值观念的迷失.     

Freedom in Welfare Economics

This paper discusses the recent economics literature on ranking opportunity sets in terms of freedom. It focuses on (i) the intuitive significance of freedom in assessing economic and public policies, (ii) the measurement of freedom offered by various opportunity sets, and (iii) the conception of opportunity set in a world of interdependence among individuals. This paper also points out some open issues and problems that deserve further investigations.     

Endogenous economic freedom and the wealth of nations: evidence from a panel of countries, 1996–2011

Indexes of economic freedom measure the degree to which the policies and institutions of countries are supportive of economic freedom. The authors find a considerable scope for improvement in Index of Economic Freedom, created by Heritage Foundation, since not all components of index have equal effect on economic well-being. Contrary to Heritage methodology the authors tackle the aggregation bias and highlight that each index component contributes differently to the level of economic freedom and subsequently to the level of income per capita. The level of fiscal freedom and monetary freedom exert the strongest influence on the overall index of economic freedom. Authors present the new endogenous cross-country ranking of 135 countries from Instrumental Variable-Two Stage Least Squares (IV-2SLS) empirical specification which removes the inconsistencies arising from the arbitrary assumption of the equivalent effect of each component on the overall index and, hence, the level of real income per capita.     

科研自主权视域下科研评价改革研究

科研自主权在科研评价中居关键地位，但尚未引起学界足够重视。科研自主权不同于学术自由、学术自主和学术主权，不能仅将其简单理解为学术自由、自主中的一项权利。科研自主权的实质是自由进行科学研究的权利，主体通过自由开展或放弃研究行为的方式行使科研自主权，同时受到相关法律关系的约束。当前，科研评价政策已部分规定了科研自主权，但在同行评议机制、代表作制度、自主获得成果的知识产权、科研经费自主使用、科研自主权限制条件和权利救济途径等方面仍存在问题。改革科研评价应当将科研自主权纳入评价标准，科研评价中行政权力的运行应建立在保护科研人员科研自主权的基础上，而科研人员科研自主权行使准则及其限制条件需要有明确的规定。     

Immigration and economic freedom of the US states: Does the institutional quality of immigrants' origin countries matter?

When people immigrate to the United States from countries with less economic freedom, they do not dampen economic freedom in their destination states. We use the Economic Freedom of North America report to rate the economic freedom of US states, and we group immigrants by how far below the United States their origin countries score in the Economic Freedom of the World report. Our major findings hold true even when states receive immigrants from countries with far less economic freedom. Most relationships between immigration and the US states' economic freedom scores are neither statistically nor economically significant.