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1.
欧盟与加拿大已于2014年9月达成全面经济与贸易协定(CETA),而欧盟与美国的跨大西洋贸易与投资伙伴协定(TTIP)也已经完成了第八轮的谈判。CETA与TTIP被认为是目前引领全球自由贸易协定的风向标,其中涉及的服务贸易、投资、政府采购、知识产权等内容不仅使外界将其定义为"高标准"的自由贸易协定,也将影响之后的自由贸易谈判的标准制定。本文通过分析比较CETA和TTIP中涉及的政府采购的内容来探讨未来国际贸易中政府采购的发展趋势。  相似文献   

2.
随着数字贸易的快速发展,很多国家特别是发达国家不断完善相关的法律法规和政策,数字贸易国际规则已经被提升到国家发展战略层面。美国最早研究和推行其数字贸易开放理念和国际规则,形成了以《跨太平洋伙伴关系协定》和《美墨加协定》等贸易协定为代表的“美式模板”。欧盟和亚太国家在数字贸易开放理念方面与美国存在分歧,进而形成了“欧式模板”和“亚太模板”。在此基础上,主要贸易协定中的数字贸易规则不断融合发展。上述三大数字贸易“模板”在贸易便利化、关税与数字税、跨境数据流动与网络安全、消费者保护等四项议题中的常见条款已基本达成一致,但随着数字贸易内容与形式的发展以及参与规则制定的国家增多,数字贸易国际规则达成共识的难度也将上升。中国数字贸易规则研究起步相对较晚,签署的包含数字贸易条款的贸易协定数量也较少,已纳入的规则条款在深度上与发达国家存在差距,未来需要更积极参与数字贸易国际规则制定,从而掌握数字贸易发展主动权。  相似文献   

3.
世界     
EU大西洋自贸区欧美自贸协定首轮谈判7月初在华盛顿鸣锣开场后,近来欧盟继续加快在全球建立贸易伙伴的步伐。8月1日,欧盟委员会发表公告宣布,欧盟与洪都拉斯、尼加拉瓜和巴拿马的贸易协定当日正式生效实施,并期待中美洲其他国家不久也加入协定。此前欧盟同墨西哥、秘鲁、哥伦比亚和智利已实行自由贸易多年,而拉美只是欧盟自贸布局中  相似文献   

4.
王金波 《全球化》2022,(3):52-61
《数字经济伙伴关系协定》为中国参与区域和全球数字治理带来了新的路径、模式和机遇。与《美墨加协定》《美日数字贸易协定》为代表的美式数字贸易模版和《全面与进步跨太平洋伙伴关系协定》等区域贸易协定电子商务章节相比,DEPA更具开放和包容性。着眼于国际最新规则和全球数字治理的发展趋势,中国有必要以申请加入DEPA为契机,在妥善处理数字主权、国家安全和跨境数据自由流动关系的同时,对数字产品的非歧视待遇、源代码和算法、交互式计算机服务、计算设施和金融服务设施的位置、公开政府数据、数字服务税、知识产权与数字资产保护、数字贸易争端解决机制等新议题、新条款和人工智能、金融科技等新技术领域的规则适应问题作出通盘考虑、整体设计,为后续中国参与更大规模、更高水平的区域贸易协定、数字贸易协定谈判和全球数字治理创造有利条件。  相似文献   

5.
当前各种区域和双边贸易协定正在迅猛发展,造成这种现象的原因有多种,既有法律方面的漏洞,又有外交策略和经贸利益等因素的考虑。过多的区域贸易协定势必会影响多边贸易谈判的进程和前景。本文从对区域贸易协定和多边贸易协定的比较,分析各自对世界贸易的影响。  相似文献   

6.
服务贸易保障措施是当今保障措施法发展的全新领域。中国-东盟自贸区《服务贸易协定》保障措施是我国在这一领域的一次重要突破。尽管该协定对服务贸易保障措施的实质要件、磋商、非单边行动、礼让与灵活相结合的原则以及它与GATS下的ESM关系等内容均作出规定,但是总体而言,其行文过于简单,缺乏可操作性。中国-东盟自贸区《服务贸易协定》保障措施既体现了区域贸易协定中ESM的共性,更具有自身的特征;同时,它也对我国服务贸易法制,特别是保障措施法律的构建与完善提出新的挑战,对我国积极参加WTO关于ESM的谈判具有深刻意义。  相似文献   

7.
为了保护隐私权,欧盟制定了《一般数据保护条例》(GDPR),保护个人数据和规范数据跨境流动是其两大目标。为了符合GDPR的要求,非欧盟企业客观上只有两种选择:要么撤出欧盟市场,要么将数据本地化,否则将面临巨额罚款。实际上,数据本地化构成了贸易壁垒,违反了《国际服务贸易总协定》第16和17条。为了促进数字贸易,以《全面与进步跨太平洋伙伴关系协定》(CPTPP)、《欧盟日本经济伙伴关系协定》(EPA)和《美墨加协定》(USMCA)为代表的新型区域贸易协定禁止数据中心本地化设置。为此,欧盟应设法消除任何数据本地化要求的可能性,同时应设法完善GDPR下的充分性决定机制。GDPR客观上对国际服务贸易规则产生了深远而广泛的影响。为了因应国际服务贸易规则的新发展,中国应引导与推动《服务贸易总协定》(GATS)的改进,加速构建促进个人信息保护、数据有序流动和保护公共利益相协调的新型数字贸易规则;借鉴欧盟与美国缔结的《隐私盾协议》,与欧盟开展有关数据跨境流动的双边协议谈判。  相似文献   

8.
正自2014年1月以来,中国与欧盟的投资协定谈判已经进行了三轮。上半年,习近平主席和李克强总理分别访问欧洲,以及欧盟国家领导人相继访华,有力地推动了中欧投资协定谈判的进程。众所周知,欧盟是国际投资领域的先行者,研究其有关国际投资合作的政策诉求,对于进一步夯实中欧投资协定谈判的基础具有积极意义。  相似文献   

9.
正自2014年1月以来,中国与欧盟的投资协定谈判已经进行了三轮。上半年,习近平主席和李克强总理分别访问欧洲,以及欧盟国家领导人相继访华,有力地推动了中欧投资协定谈判的进程。众所周知,欧盟是国际投资领域的先行者,研究其有关国际投资合作的政策诉求,对于进一步做好中欧投资协定谈判相关工作具有积极意义。  相似文献   

10.
陆燕 《国际贸易》2014,(2):44-48
正美国与欧盟的"跨大西洋贸易与投资伙伴关系协定"(Transatlantic Trade and Investment Partnership,简称TTIP)谈判自启动后虽经历波折但仍在预定时间框架内,双方期望在2014年年底前达成最终协议。美欧集聚了全球主要发达经济体,美欧自贸区经济贸易规模超过现有的任一自由贸易协定。无疑,美欧经济一体化安排将对美欧经济增长、世界经贸格局变化、国际经贸关系调整及全球贸易规则制定等产生深远影响,也会对中国对外开放进程、参与国际经济  相似文献   

11.
随着转基因技术的兴起和转基因产品贸易的发展,转基因产品的安全性日益成为人们关注的焦点.WTO框架下与转基因产品直接相关的协议包括.这两个协议的相关条款在对转基因产品贸易适用过程中存在着一系列法律问题.改进的办法是拓宽WTO规则,纳入消费者优先原则.另外,我国转基因产品立法也存在不足,需根据WTO规则进一步加以完善.  相似文献   

12.
A key element of the EU's free trade and preferential trade agreements is the extent to which they deliver improved market access and so contribute to the EU's foreign policy objectives towards developing countries and neighbouring countries in Europe, including the countries of the Balkans. Previous preferential trade schemes have been ineffective in delivering improved access to the EU market since only a small proportion of the available preferences have actually been utilised. The main reason for this is probably the very restrictive rules of origin that the EU imposes, coupled with the costs of proving consistency with these rules. If the EU wants the ‘Everything but Arms’ agreement and free trade agreements with countries in the Balkans to generate substantial improvements in access to the EU market for products from these countries then it will have to reconsider the current rules of origin and implement less restrictive rules backed up by a careful safeguards policy..  相似文献   

13.
Since the middle of the1990s the EU has vigorously pursued a policy of replacing non– reciprocal preferences for the developing countries in the Mediterranean, Latin America and with South Africa, with bilateral free–trade agreements. This article examines the content of these agreements and the empirical evidence on their likely effects and concludes that they are ‘broad’ but ‘shallow’ agreements. The static effect are likely to be very small or negative while the potential dynamic gains are problematic, especially regarding the concept of a ‘lock in’ to trade liberalisation, unless there are greater commitments to trade related issues by both sides and especially by the EU.  相似文献   

14.
Trade dynamics within the EU are presently pushing it towards deepening globalisation through bilateral comprehensive trade agreements which establish far-reaching rules that govern the bilateral trade relationship. The European Commission has defended these agreements as a vehicle through which to promote world trade in accordance with European values and norms. However, the theory of fiscal federalism and the principle of subsidiarity tell us that one should not centralise decisions at the supranational level which are better taken at the national or regional level when there are different preferences among countries or regions. Consequently, member state and regional competences ought not to be perceived as a mere obstacle to swift trade deals. Rather, they can provide an important checks and balances function with regard to whether EU trade policy is truly working to condition globalisation according to European values and preferences.  相似文献   

15.
There are many controversial and contentious aspects of the EU’s trade and investment policy. To evaluate existing and forthcoming free trade agreements, the paper describes their potential economic effects. It analyses the effects of EU trade policy and of the new protectionism of the US.  相似文献   

16.
On 6 July 2017, after four years of negotiation, the EU reached an agreement with Japan over the main elements of a comprehensive free trade agreement. The breakthrough came at a time when progress on multilateral trade negotiations at the global level seemed out of reach and EU bilateral trade agreements faced strong public opposition. This paper examines the content of the new agreement with a view to global trade dynamics and assesses its main trade policy implications.  相似文献   

17.
This paper examines four claims made by Brexit supporters regarding the United Kingdom’s post-exit arrangement on trade with the EU. It reviews the nature and importance of UK-EU trade links and the possible impact on the UK of leaving the EU customs union. It argues that all four of the claims are based on incongruous arguments which are either logically inconsistent or ignore the extent of the commitment required by trade agreements that tackle regulatory barriers, not just tariffs and border restrictions. We demonstrate that the attractiveness of the UK market will progressively decline as the UK enters into additional bilateral agreements. We conclude by analysing the implications for the UK of “taking back control” of its trade policy.  相似文献   

18.
Hege Medin 《The World Economy》2019,42(12):3438-3446
Negotiating free trade agreements (FTAs) has been a high political priority for Norway. Today, it has agreements with 41 countries outside the European Union (EU)/the European Free Trade Association (EFTA), resulting in one of the world's most extensive FTA networks. FTAs cover about 10% of Norway's trade—a share likely to increase in the future. These agreements eliminate tariffs on a substantial number of traded products and have gradually become more comprehensive, covering an expanding range of non‐tariff areas. Hence, they may have trade‐promoting effects beyond tariff reductions as such. On the other hand, the non‐tariff provisions often do not go further than what has already been dealt with in other international agreements or practised domestically, so their overall effect may be limited.  相似文献   

19.
乌拉圭回合通过的一系列多边贸易协定标志着WTO法的新发展,使原来仅以货物贸易关系为调整对象的GATT法律体系发展成为既调整货物贸易,又调整技术贸易和服务贸易三大法律关系的WTO法律体系:WTO法的新发展既体现在对GATT法律体系的扩充,又体现在对GATT立法内容的修订与补充上:文章在论述WTO法新发展的基础上,探讨我国外贸法与外贸制度中迫切需要完善的若干问题。  相似文献   

20.
This paper discusses the recent regional trade agreements that China has concluded rapidly following accession to the WTO in 2002. Agreements are in place with Hong Kong, Macao, ASEAN, Australia and New Zealand, and are either in negotiation or under discussion with South Africa, Chile, India and the Gulf Cooperation Council. These agreements differ sharply in form and substance, and involve process commitments to ongoing negotiation and cooperation on a wide range of issues. Differences relating to the regional agreements negotiated by the EU and the US are emphasised, as are later potential difficulties these agreements create in moving to an Asian trade bloc centred on them.  相似文献   

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