高校隐性思想政治教育探究

隐性教育是相对于显性教育而言的，隐性教育在高校思想政治教育中的作用目益凸显。本文从高校隐形思想政治教育的内涵、特点入手，在总结发达国家隐性思想政治教育的经验和启示的基础上，提出了通过高校物质形态、制度形态、文化形态、信息形态以及行为形态改进我国高校隐性思想政治教育的路径。     

“打碎第二意象”:战争图集及其修昔底德例解

在回答冲突何以发生并扩散这一问题时，冲突理论家渴望建立统摄国家间战争与内战的统一分析框架。作者尝试回应这一理论愿景，借用图论的形式语言打造冲突系统动力学的一种新图式“战争图集”。其中冲突被刻画为一个图，作战单元是顶点，冲突与援助行为是边，冲突之间的关系被刻画为图与图的互动，体系是图的集合。在此基础上提出的两个假说重新解释了冲突的起因和扩散，并且可以被修昔底德记载的柯西拉内战和伯罗奔尼撒战争爆发过程所证实：战争通过援助行为引发另一场战争，并通过冲突体系的结构类似自我复制，星火由此燎原。战争图集抛弃了冲突研究的干扰项国内—国际政治二分，无须依靠或颠倒第二意象就能刻画出复杂冲突的逻辑地形图，是图式层次的革新，定性和定量研究都可加以利用。战争图集还展示了理论家的另一项科学使命，即在历史的低维切片上构拟高维的复杂理论体系。     

“打碎第二意象”:战争图集及其修昔底德例解北大核心

在回答冲突何以发生并扩散这一问题时,冲突理论家渴望建立统摄国家间战争与内战的统一分析框架。作者尝试回应这一理论愿景,借用图论的形式语言打造冲突系统动力学的一种新图式“战争图集”。其中冲突被刻画为一个图,作战单元是顶点,冲突与援助行为是边,冲突之间的关系被刻画为图与图的互动,体系是图的集合。在此基础上提出的两个假说重新解释了冲突的起因和扩散,并且可以被修昔底德记载的柯西拉内战和伯罗奔尼撒战争爆发过程所证实:战争通过援助行为引发另一场战争,并通过冲突体系的结构类似自我复制,星火由此燎原。战争图集抛弃了冲突研究的干扰项国内—国际政治二分,无须依靠或颠倒第二意象就能刻画出复杂冲突的逻辑地形图,是图式层次的革新,定性和定量研究都可加以利用。战争图集还展示了理论家的另一项科学使命,即在历史的低维切片上构拟高维的复杂理论体系。     

战争、国家形成与公民权:春秋战国与近代早期欧洲比较

国家形成理论致力于重现公民权和民主化的军事基础,认为公民权应被理解为国家与社会之间就战争物资进行"谈判"的副产品。作者在对春秋战国国际体系及近代早期欧洲体系中的国家形成过程进行比较研究后认为,如果公民权源于国际竞争,那么在春秋战国时期的国际体系中,统治者也曾为了鼓动民众参战和为国牺牲而做出了三项让步:言论自由、司法公正和经济福利。作者提出一个世界政治的动态理论,认为国家形成过程中的制衡逻辑是公民权跨越时空分别在春秋战国时期和近代早期欧洲兴起的主要因素。公民权在春秋战国时期没落的根本原因是严重低估了制衡逻辑的对手,即支配逻辑;而公民权得以在西方演变为民主制度的关键因素在于支配逻辑的相对弱势。     

恐怖主义与非传统安全

除了出于自卫以外，战争在国家政治中正逐步失去其正当性。随着两极格局的终结，威胁的性质已经由过去的常规军事威胁转变为包罗万象的威胁，甚至包括经济与环境。当贫穷与种族分歧威胁社会和国家结构时，他们与国家间关系一样进入了安全领域。人们还注意到，在整个国际安全架构中，国家只不过是其中一类行为体；在国家和国际层面上，非国家行为体正日益成为同样关键的参与者。由于国际合作仍然倾向于制定削弱贫穷和不发达国家中人民福祉的规则，因此现在个人安全在国际关系中的地位还不是很清楚。所以，团体而非个人已经成为影响国家内部与国家间关系的重要行为体。     

英国学派的战争哲学:格老秀斯式的理论解读

主要基于格老秀斯的国际社会思想、正义战争学说和国际干涉理论,英国学派在战争问题上形成了自己独到的理论解释,其核心思想是:战争行为不仅是一个重大的国际政治问题,也是一个重大的伦理问题,它涉及一系列对确定国际社会基本原则和规范至关紧要的道德判断和道德选择。为此,英国学派主张把战争行为视为国际社会的一种社会行为,通过强调国际社会的自卫权、强制权以及国际秩序正当变更的需要,以助成这样一种共同观念:仅当为了促进国际社会的利益才可合法地使用武力;在认可战争有其合理性的同时,坚决主张对战争与冲突施加规范性约束,使之既符合国际社会的基本法理要求,又符合国际社会基本道义需要;对国际干涉特别是人道主义干涉施加严格的条件限制,即干涉只能是不干涉的一个例外,并要有助于实现个人正义。     

全球共治:中西方世界秩序观的差异及其调和

目前西方主流的世界秩序观主要包括霸权秩序论、均势秩序论、世界体系论、文明冲突论、民主和平论五种。这五种理论都属于基于人性恶假设的冲突秩序观。冷战结束后的权力多极化、经济全球化、政治民主化、社会网络化、世界风险化等诸多趋势对冲突秩序观形成了挑战。在此背景之下,基于中国传统的和谐秩序观的意义便凸显出来。和谐秩序观以人性向善为假设基础,力图发现和弘扬人性中道德的成分。在和谐秩序观之下,世界秩序表现为一种多行为体共存的和谐状态,主体间关系是朋友关系,而行为体之间的互动形式主要表现为互助与礼遇。西方一些前沿的理论进展如建构主义、女性主义、全球治理理论、国际道德研究等与和谐秩序观的逻辑基本契合。同时,和谐秩序观的优势则体现在其与"整合性秩序"背景的逻辑一致及其强适用性等特征上。全球共治是建立在和谐秩序观基础上的一种调和性理念,其基本逻辑是"弱冲突逻辑+强和谐逻辑",基本框架是构建全球性的权威协调,国家间关系结构强调从利益关系向朋友关系转变,对待异见的方式是求同存异,互动形式则是多主体协商民主。     

全球共治:中西方世界秩序观的差异及其调和北大核心CSSCISSCI

目前西方主流的世界秩序观主要包括霸权秩序论、均势秩序论、世界体系论、文明冲突论、民主和平论五种。这五种理论都属于基于人性恶假设的冲突秩序观。冷战结束后的权力多极化、经济全球化、政治民主化、社会网络化、世界风险化等诸多趋势对冲突秩序观形成了挑战。在此背景之下,基于中国传统的和谐秩序观的意义便凸显出来。和谐秩序观以人性向善为假设基础,力图发现和弘扬人性中道德的成分。在和谐秩序观之下,世界秩序表现为一种多行为体共存的和谐状态,主体间关系是朋友关系,而行为体之间的互动形式主要表现为互助与礼遇。西方一些前沿的理论进展如建构主义、女性主义、全球治理理论、国际道德研究等与和谐秩序观的逻辑基本契合。同时,和谐秩序观的优势则体现在其与"整合性秩序"背景的逻辑一致及其强适用性等特征上。全球共治是建立在和谐秩序观基础上的一种调和性理念,其基本逻辑是"弱冲突逻辑+强和谐逻辑",基本框架是构建全球性的权威协调,国家间关系结构强调从利益关系向朋友关系转变,对待异见的方式是求同存异,互动形式则是多主体协商民主。     

战争无看客

伊拉克战争已经开战一周多了,舆论的鼓噪开始显得有点倦怠。战争的沉闷让我们感到一种怪异和无聊。不过,战争已经逼近巴格达,虽然沙尘暴让伊拉克人有了片刻喘息的机会,但我宁愿相信,这场战争只是血色初现。种种迹象表明,随着天气的好转,一场更加惨烈的屠戮正在拉开大幕。美英为什么铁了心要打伊拉克?从经济上考虑,美国发动战争的主要意图就是要控制中东的石油;再就是借打压伊拉克扰乱欧元的阵脚,维持美元的霸主地位。所以这次战争受到一些欧洲国家如法国、德国、俄罗斯的极力反对。美英联军绕开联合国,一意孤行地搞单边主义,表明美国妄图独霸世界的未来。以前我们总是说,战争是政治的延续;而这次战争,我们似乎更多听到的是拔算盘珠的声音。这是一场实力完全不对等的战争,战争本身没有悬念;另外,因为美国历来不愿意做亏本生意,所以世人对美英战争的"投入—产出"表现出极大的关注。根据美国专家预计,这场战争需要花费1000亿美元左右。有意思的是,专家预计伊拉克战后重建同样要花费大约1000亿美元。而且,已经有不少国家指望在伊战后重建中大捞一笔。但美国有言在先,声称在全部占领伊拉克后,由伊拉克自己筹集资金解决重建问题,并限制别国参与重建和分享其中的利益。     

基于军事战争的系统思维方法研究

系统思维方法这个概念虽然是随着现代系统科学的产生发展而出现的,但系统的思想却由来已久,人类在知道系统思想和系统工程之前,就已经在进行辩证的系统思维了。它适用于一切战争形态,尤其适用于信息化战争形态,是认识和把握战争特点规律的重要工具。     

国共抗日游击战比较研究

抗日战争为中国新民主主义革命的胜利奠定了坚实基础。在抗日战争中国共两党都向敌后派出了游击部队,并展开了游击战争,但取得的成果却大相径庭。对其的对比研究不仅对还原当时的历史有所帮助,对我们今天党自身的建设和发展也有着重要的启示意义。     

Wars are becoming less frequent: a response to Harrison and Wolf

Harrison and Wolf claim that interstate ‘wars are becoming more frequent’. This is an alarming claim deserving serious attention. It is also a highly surprising claim, since recent conflict research tends to find the opposite: incidences of violent conflict are becoming less frequent. We argue that Harrison and Wolf's claim is incorrect. We show empirically that interstate wars are in fact becoming less frequent. Other data on tensions between states below war, such as the Interstate Crises Behavior data, also suggest a decline in conflict between states. We detail how Harrison and Wolf's analysis is misleading, highlighting how their findings primarily arise as a likely artefact of their uncritical use of the Militarized Interstate Disputes (MIDs) data, and explaining why MIDs cannot be interpreted as ‘wars’. Given that Harrison and Wolf's basic premise is wrong, and wars are not becoming more frequent, we should be sceptical of their conclusions. We briefly revisit their suggested explanations for why wars may become more frequent in light of what we know about long‐term trends in warfare and research on interstate war.     

The Interplay of Core and Peripheral Actors in the Trajectory of an Accounting Innovation: Insights from Beyond Budgeting*

Previous studies on accounting innovations emphasize the key role played by innovators and other core actors in theorizing and popularizing such innovations. This paper extends this literature by drawing attention to the role of actors who occupy a more peripheral position within the innovation-based field. We regard accounting innovations as strategic action fields, in which core and peripheral actors interact to shape the trajectory of the innovation. In contrast to core actors, peripheral actors only weakly identify with the innovation-based field and often occupy a core position in some other industry, professional, and/or geographical field. Given their embeddedness in these other fields, they are likely to try to accommodate an innovation with existing practices. Such frame blending can be problematic for core actors who envisage a more radical frame shift. Using the case of Beyond Budgeting, we show how the interplay between core and peripheral actors shapes the trajectory of an innovation, in terms of the composition of the field and the framing tactics that dominate at different stages in the development of the field. Our paper advances a perspective on accounting innovations which highlights the variable nature of the innovation space, in terms of different actors entering and exiting this space over time, as well as the importance of considering the overlaps between an innovation-based field and other (industry, professional, geographical) fields.     

Convergence or divergence?*: The South Korean state after the Asian financial crisis

This study suggests that the government's attempt to replace the developmental state by introducing neo‐liberal axioms is slim. The state that is to emerge in consequence of the economic and financial reforms carried out by the Kim government is distinct from the neo‐liberal regulatory state at the ideological level; moreover, the embedded characteristics of the developmental state hinder changes in the nature of the state. It is the paper's argument that the economic reform that has been implemented by the Kim Dae‐Jung government since its establishment (in 1998) is merely a form of “self‐help” to correct those mistakes committed by the developmental state. Despite the neo‐liberal reform attempted by the Kim government, the social, political and historical conditions in which a liberal regulatory state may be born are pre‐mature, and the embedded legacies of the developmental state are far from becoming a thing of the past.     

基于SWOT分析的海南会展旅游发展策略研究

会展旅游已成为近年来海南发展较快且较具市场吸引力的旅游形式。文章在相关现状及SWOT分析的基础上,探讨海南会展旅游发展定位及发展策略,期望为海南会展旅游发展的研究和实践产生一定借鉴作用。     

Den egna vägen: Sverige och den europeiska integrationen 1961–1971

Abstract

The use of armaments, diplomacy and economic pressure to intervene in the functioning of an enemy economy has been one of the most disputed concepts of warfare in the twentieth century. In the war against Germany after 1939 so called ‘economic warfare’ proved on the whole a poor investment of Allied resources with the notable exception of the bombing raids on synthetic oil factories. By contrast it was eminently successful in the campaigns against Japan. One obvious reason for the difference is that Japan was an island power against which the traditional techniques of naval blockade were effective whereas Germany by her territorial conquests on the continent was able greatly to extend her control over economic resources despite the blockade. But there were other reasons for the relative failure of ‘economic warfare’ against Germany and these, like the results of conquest, are central to these two works. One was that the complexity of the German economy in its international setting, combined with the difficulty of obtaining accurate economic information about an enemy economy during a war, meant that there was in reality no method of selecting with an accuracy sufficient to justify the deployment of large resources a link in the chain of production so weak that it could be destroyed. Secondly, a lurking suspicion that this might be so caused rapid changes in strategy, so that when weak links were identified the targets were seldom attacked for long enough for the strategy to succeed. Thirdly, the weapons and techniques of intervention in an enemy economy were seldom perfect enough to achieve their ambitious purpose. And finally German foreign trade even in strategic commodities survived because it was also in the interests of neutrals, and even in those of the Allies where their own economic relationship with the neutrals was concerned, that it should.     

冷战后美国核政策的调整趋势及影响

冷战结束以来,美国四任总统先后对美国核政策进行了一系列调整。虽然这种调整仍处于不断的发展演变之中,但其呈现的调整趋势已然有轨迹可寻:一是核武器的实战作用在逐步下降,二是核武器的打击对象从固定明确转向灵活模糊,三是核力量建设从旧三位一体向新三位一体发展,四是防扩散在核政策中的重要性日益上升。透过美国核政策不断的调整演变,可以发现其不变的四个基本原则:绝对优势原则、领导主导原则、灵活选择原则和核先发制人原则。由于冷战后美国核政策调整的趋势和原则深刻地体现美国自身安全利益考量的本位立场,而这一立场与国际防扩散目标存在难以调和的龃龉。美国在国际社会不断强化防扩散机制、提出无核世界的主张、倡导裁减核武器等一系列举措,虽然能在一定程度上对国际防扩散和反核运动起到推动作用,但其核政策对国际安全环境也造成诸多负面影响,使国际社会安全感普遍下降,使无核世界的目标遥不可及,最终也会使美国难以摆脱恐怖主义与核武器扩散相结合的安全梦魇。     

论太平天国安庆争夺战的战略失策

1851年爆发的太平天国农民运动,是中国历史上最后一次大规模农民起义.虽然这次起义最终失败了,但它沉重打击了清王朝和外国侵略者,促进了近代中国的发展.如果说天京事变是太平天国由盛到衰的转折点,那么安庆争夺战的失利则是太平天国最终走向失败的标志.     

The Swedish Salt Market during the Great Northern War

Abstract

The purpose of this article is to examine the effects of the great naval blockade on the Swedish salt market during the Great Northern War (1700–1721). Whether or not salt can be perceived as a strategic good subject of wartime shortage is important in interpreting the reasons behind the famous Swedish Navigation Act of 1724. New research claims that the Navigation Act was a welfare enhancing institution, as it helped to secure salt imports. This essay shows that although Sweden was at war with most European Great Powers and the subject of sea blockades during the Great Northern War, the salt market still worked remarkably well. Neither supply nor salt movements show any signs of a great crisis. Thus, there was no need to secure salt imports during the period of peace that followed. Consequently, the Swedish Navigation Act had little to do with welfare but more with rent seeking and monopolies on the freight market.