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ABSTRACT

Money is rich in semiotic potential and its capacity to express social identity and collectivity is well established. This essay explores a range of communicative functions of money, focusing in particular on the ways in which payments and prices may serve as cultural signals. It asks how the communicative significance of money might change as a result of the introduction of new types of currency, payment systems and pricing techniques, and suggests that such developments are likely to involve revisiting two key tensions: between state or corporate power on the one hand, and individual autonomy and privacy on the other; and between money’s power to generate collectivity and its power to divide and exclude.  相似文献   

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With consumers and their activities routinely visible through online, mobile and social media, to both their peers and to corporations, this article examines surveillance as a marketplace icon. Surveillance is central to the construction of consumers and markets. Many contemporary marketing practices are surveillant as they rely on the collection, analysis and application of consumer data to place advertising, define market segments and to nudge consumer behaviours. Consumer surveillance is also an enactment of corporate power, attempting to align individual preferences with corporate goals. The historical origins of surveillance and the emergence of the surveillance–industrial–entertainment complex are explored, which highlights how surveillance, as well as a process for defining markets is also an object of consumption. The future sees a huge struggle for consumer data between two great centres of surveillance power – the state and the corporation – as they battle over data use for national security.  相似文献   

3.
闻媛 《财贸研究》2011,22(6):16-22,31
中国庞大的创意商品出口额大多是通过OEM方式生产出口,即沿袭传统制造业的发展模式,利用丰富廉价的劳动力为跨国公司代工。作为全球创意空间中的制造车间,中国在全球产业价值链中处于低附加值、低利润的生产制造环节,既不能掌握出口产品的价格决定权,更无法控制产品的文化内涵。面对强势的西方文化及西方国家成熟的商业运作,政策导向需要在经济利益与精神价值之间寻找平衡点,以更开放、更容忍的姿态对待创意阶层特立独行的思想与行为,并制定长期性的产业发展策略以整合国内创意资源,从而摆脱对发达国家跨国公司的依赖,提升中国创意产业在全球价值链中的产业位势。  相似文献   

4.
本文主要针对全球26个文化创意产业贸易大国探讨贸易双边文化差异对文化创意产业贸易的影响。实证结果显示,文化创意出口国的文化开放性越低、越能保持自我独特性时,其在文化创意双边贸易中的出口值越高;若就贸易双边的文化差异而言,两国的文化开放性差异与两国一般贸易往来较没有显著关系,对于文化创意双边贸易却具有重大影响:两国贸易对方国间对外来种族接受度的差异越大,双边文化创意贸易越高。这一发现,一方面凸显出在全球化的浪潮下,保留本土文化特色具有一定的正面意义与价值,另一方面也显示出文化创意贸易不同于一般贸易的独特性,不管是在改革思维上或是学术研究上,均值得给予特别的关注。  相似文献   

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As a means of demonstrating rock and roll’s enduring iconicity, the author offers a personal narrative of a relationship he had with a well-known rock group. This narrative is then used as data to locate four sites of rock and roll iconicity: the private, the public, the communal, and the kinetic. A fifth site of iconicity, the nostalgic, is identified as an inevitable outcome of the first four. The author concludes that rock and roll achieves its iconicity in the marketplace by offering a text against which consumers can monitor changes in their own preferences and behaviors.  相似文献   

6.
贸易救济措施包括反倾销、反补贴与保障措施。贸易救济措施可能会将外国企业的合理竞争排除在国内市场之外,导致国内市场竞争减少。在加拿大贸易救济制度中,有一项独立的公共利益调查程序。公共利益调查中考虑的一个重要问题就是竞争问题。从1984年加拿大《特别进口措施法》颁布至今,加拿大共发起贸易救济调查161起,其中只有13个案件涉及竞争问题,因竞争问题而最终减征或免征贸易救济税的案件更少。在加拿大对华贸易救济调查中,只有一个案件提起了公共利益调查申请,但在开始阶段便被国际贸易法庭拒绝了,没能进入实质调查阶段。这一结果反映了加拿大贸易救济制度中考虑竞争问题的例外性。  相似文献   

7.
Modern public relations practices have been dominated by appeals to impulses, desires, and images that affect publics defined predominantly in demographic terms. This paper argues that abandoning basic rhetorical assumptions about the ability of ordinary people to engage in practical reason has serious ethical implications for the marketplace as well as for society in general. The study applies recent rhetorical scholarship on issues of public discourse and rhetorical culture to public relations practices, considering how rhetoric can contribute to more effective and ethical public discourse in our dominant modes of marketplace communication.  相似文献   

8.
The United States Government does not mandate that US based firms follow US social and environmental law in foreign markets. However, because many developing countries do not have strong human rights, labor, and environmental laws, many multinationals have adopted voluntary corporate responsibility initiatives to self-regulate their overseas social and environmental practices. This article argues that voluntary actions, while important, are insufficient to address the magnitude of problems companies confront as they operate in developing countries where governance is often inadequate. The United States can do more to ensure that its multinationals act responsibly everywhere they operate. First, policymakers should define the social and environmental responsibilities of global companies. They must consistently make their expectations for global business clear – and underscore that this objective can often be accomplished without mandates. Second, the US should closely examine the policies that undermine global Corporate Social Responsibility (CSR) and address the many conflicting signals sent by policymakers. Third, the President should make the US government a CSR model by examining how to use its purchasing power to promote human rights. Finally, the US government should require pension funds to report on the social and environmental consequences of their investments. In these ways, Americans can mind our business – and thus make sure that US based firms do not undermine social and environmental progress when they operate in the developing world. Susan Aaronson is Senior Fellow and Director of Globalization Studies at the Kenan Institute Washington Center, an arm of the Kenan-Flagler Business School, University of North Carolina Chapel Hill. Her scholarly research focuses on international investment and social responsibility issues. Aaronson devised and directed a study, funded by the Ford, UN and Levi Strauss Foundations, that examined how U.S. public policies can promote or undermine global corporate social responsibility. She is now beginning a Levi-Strauss funded project on trade and human rights. Aaronson is a frequent speaker on public understanding of globalization issues and the author of four books on globalization including, Taking Trade to the Streets: The Lost History of Public Efforts to Shape Globalization (Michigan: 2001).  相似文献   

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