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1.
入世意味着我国的区域政策将不可避免地要受到WTO规则和新贸易问题的制约。因此,我国的西部大开发应在WTO规则下选择政策工具。本文在论述了入世给我国西部大开发带来挑战的基础上,提出了21世纪我国西部大开发的新发展模式。  相似文献   

2.
入世意味着我国的区域政策将不可避免地委受到WTO规则和新贸易问题的制约。因此,我国的西部大开发应在WTO规则下选择政策工具。本文在论述了入世给我国西部大开发带来挑战的基础上,提出了2l世纪我国西部大开发的新发展模式。  相似文献   

3.
钟雅苏 《财贸研究》2003,14(5):49-53
西部大开发离不开政府的扶持 ,尤其是税收优惠的扶持 ,面对中国加入WTO的新形势。本文在分析WTO的《反补贴协议》及其例外的基础上 ,探讨了我国应对WTO反补贴协议的几点政策的调整 ,提出了完善我国西部地区税收优惠的措施建议。  相似文献   

4.
<正>WTO《补贴与反补贴措施协议》规定为发展落后地区经济而实施的补贴,在一定条件下看成是不可申诉补贴,其他成员方不应针对此类补贴采取反补贴措施并不可诉诸争端解决。我国目前正在实施规模庞大的西部大开发战略,就是为了改变西部地区长期经济落后,生态环境恶化的局面,以弥补或缩短因历史和自然形成的发展差距。中西部地区符合对落后地区的补贴条件,可以在WTO允许的框架内,加快中西部开发的进程,具体可以推行以下补贴措施:  相似文献   

5.
欧盟的区域政策及对我国西部大开发的启示   总被引:2,自引:0,他引:2  
本文论述了欧盟区域政策的主要内容,并在此基础上,得出对我国西部大开发的几点启示:加强“西部大开发”区域政策方面的立法;成立负责执行“西部大开发区”政策措施的专门机构;建立专门的“西部大开发”基金;加强国家“西部大开发”的区域政策效果分析。  相似文献   

6.
WTO规则下农业补贴的焦点和我国的选择   总被引:3,自引:0,他引:3  
在WTO农业规则下,各国的农业补贴政策都作了相应的调整。但在农业协议规定的范围内,发达国家和发展中国家这两大利益集团在农业补贴的操作上差异很大。本文通过对农业规则下农业补贴焦点问题的国际比较,并结合我国农业补贴的实际情况,来探讨我国农业补贴政策的改进空间,以充分利用农业规则下的农业补贴政策并完善我国农业补贴体系。  相似文献   

7.
随着我国成功加入WTO及国内粮食购销体制改革进程的加快,现有粮食补贴政策已不适应形势发展需要。充分利用WTO农业协议鼓励的绿箱政策,改革完善现有的粮食补贴政策,提高财政支出效率,已成为当务之急。本文试结合我市实际,就入世后我国粮食补贴政策的改革谈一点看法。我国加入WTO后,为适应其相关规则,我们必须改变现行的粮食补贴政策。这是因为:1.我国现行的粮食保护价收购政策、超储补贴等政策,均属WTO农业协议中限制使用的对生产和贸易有较大扭曲作用的黄色补贴范畴,随着时间的推移,此类政策将按照世贸组织规则要求逐步…  相似文献   

8.
9月10日,美国联合钢铁工人工会向其政府申诉,指责我国旨在促进清洁能源发展的补贴等措施,违反WTO原则和我国加入WTO承诺,导致美国在这一主导工业领域丧失机会,并要求对我国清洁能源政策启动301调查,并警示性地扬言,如我国不做出相应政策调整,其将诉诸于WTO争端解决机制。  相似文献   

9.
1998年以来,我们认真贯彻执行党中央、国务院的产业结构调整政策、积极的财政政策,准确地把握西部大开发和加入WTO的机遇,积极争取国债资金和上级专颂资金的大力支持,很好地拉动了藤县国民经济持续快速健康增长,增加了县国民经济总量.  相似文献   

10.
西部地区构筑绿色品牌群落的思考   总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1  
宋继承 《商业研究》2003,(4):172-174
西部地区地域广大 ,自然资源丰富 ,有着巨大的发展潜力 ;但由于经济基础、发展条件和政策环境的差异 ,加之经济结构失调、生态建设投入不足 ,贫困地区温饱问题尚未解决 ,以及发展滞后下的生态恶化 ,极大地阻碍了西部地区的发展。因此 ,在西部大开发、加入WTO这良好的宏观环境下 ,西部地区应实施绿色经济发展战略 ,特别是应从绿色资源出发 ,通过当地政府、企业的共同努力 ,调整产业结构 ,打造绿色品牌群落 ,集合各方面力量 ,形成区域经济的核心竞争力 ,从而使西部经济走上健康、快速的可持续发展道路。  相似文献   

11.
Most studies on the impact of WTO agreements on policies are ex ante simulations or focus on trade effects. We estimate ex post the impact of the WTO on agricultural policies, including both the total transfers by the policies and the policy instruments used, in particular their market distortions. We use OECD data on total support and instrument choice in agricultural policy. Our empirical analysis provides evidence that the WTO did not cause a significant reduction in the total amount of support to agriculture but that it caused a significant shift from distortionary to less distortionary instruments.  相似文献   

12.
The Kyoto Protocol gives Annex 1 countries considerable flexibility in the choice of domestic policies to meet their emissions commitments. Possible climate policies include carbon/energy taxes, subsidies, energy efficiency standards, eco‐labels, and government procurement policies. In order to meet their targets with minimum adverse effects on their economies, Annex 1 governments with differentiated legal and political systems are highly likely to pursue these policies that may have the potential to bring them into conflict with their WTO obligations. This paper explores the potential interaction between these domestic climate policies and WTO rules. It argues that their potential conflicts can be avoided or at least minimised if WTO rules are carefully scrutinised, and efforts are made early on to ensure that the proposed climate policies comply with them. It suggests an early process of pursuing consultations between WTO members and the Parties to the Climate Change Convention and points to the need of further exploring ways to enhance synergies between the trade and climate regimes.  相似文献   

13.
加入WTO后促进企业出口的财税对策   总被引:2,自引:0,他引:2  
财税政策在促进企业的出口方面一直发挥着重要的作用.加入WTO后,制定政策的制度环境发生了变化.本文考察了与企业出口有关的五个方面.它们分别是:反倾销、出口退税、开拓国际市场、研发与技术创新,及绿色贸易等.对每一个方面,我们在分析其现状、国际经验和WTO规则的基础上提出了相应的财税政策建议.  相似文献   

14.
两岸入世后,台湾当局的大陆经贸政策与世界贸易组织的要求是有一定距离的,特别是台湾当局为大陆度身设置的“大陆货品特殊防御机制”,似乎是为了利用中国大陆在其《入世议定书》中对世贸组织成员的特别的承诺条款,但从法律角度而言,这是有违台湾在世贸组织《保障措施协议》项下的义务的,极易成为两岸之间有限的经贸互动中争端的导火绳。  相似文献   

15.
US policies for its cotton producers depress world cotton prices, adversely affecting exporters such as Brazil, which filed a complaint to the WTO. Despite WTO rulings in Brazil's favour, meting out the right to enact retaliatory countermeasures, the United States continues to subsidise its cotton farmers. After prolonged negotiations, Brazil and the United States reached an agreement which allowed the United States to pay Brazil to refrain from enforcing the countermeasures. To capture the adverse effects of US policies, theoretical analyses are conducted. The theoretical model is extended by constructing an empirical model of the world cotton market. The adverse effects of US policies on Brazil are estimated and compared to the compensation the United States pays Brazil.  相似文献   

16.
入世后,我国的农业支持制度极大地促进了农业的发展,但是仍然存在资金投入低、结构不合理等问题,使得国内支持制度在促进我国农业发展方面仍然存在一定的限制。因此,要建立WTO框架下的农业国内支持政策体系,应协调好对特定农产品的保护度;加大农业利用外资的力度;改革农业管理体制;对重要农产品实行最低保护价制度。  相似文献   

17.
白泉旺  俞海山  吕建锁 《国际贸易问题》2007,297(9):114-118,123
贸易与环境之间的影响及协调问题,为国际社会所关注,并已成为世贸组织多边谈判的主要议题。作为世贸组织成员国,我国在对外贸易和环境保护方面已经取得了很大的成就,但二者在政策之间还缺乏进一步的协调与联系。因此,设立专门协调机构,以世贸组织有关贸易与环境规则为依据,进一步完善对外贸易政策,加强环境保护方面的立法,强化环境国际标准的管理并积极参与国际贸易和环境保护方面的国际合作,是协调我国对外贸易政策与环境政策的有效途径。  相似文献   

18.
We examine in this paper the effects of WTO Accession on policy‐making and institutional reforms in transition countries. This is done by looking at the experience of those transition countries which are already Members of the WTO and/or which have recently acceded. We start by trying to distinguish between effects of accession negotiations and from those which are the results of autonomous policy initiatives. The areas of domestic policy‐making which are considered in the analysis include market access, governance, government budget, structural reforms, trade and investment arrangements with regional partners and macroeconomic management. We find that no precise blueprint of accession conditions can be ascertained and argue that the WTO played a role, albeit not an exclusive one, in the process of liberalisation. We also find that the costs of WTO Accession are not negligible, but that the benefits of WTO Membership are significant in terms of improved, more predictable, market access and its stability, improved governance and a recourse to better economic policies without significant loss to government revenues.  相似文献   

19.
The issue of special and differential treatment (SDT) for developing countries in the WTO has become a source of tension in North‐South trade relations. The absence of an effective SDT regime clearly contributed to the failure of the Cancún Ministerial meeting of the WTO. This paper argues for a new approach that puts the emphasis on efforts to improve the development relevance of WTO rules and create mechanisms which allow greater differentiation across WTO members in determining the applicability of WTO disciplines; complemented by non‐discriminatory liberalisation of trade in goods and services in which developing countries have an export interest. The former is key in allowing the WTO to expand its reach to new ‘behind the border’ policies; and the latter is important to establishing a development dimension in multilateral trade negotiations.  相似文献   

20.
Tarlok Singh 《The World Economy》2010,33(11):1517-1564
This study surveys the literature on the relationship between international trade and economic growth, and succinctly reviews the role of GATT/WTO in fostering free trade. Most studies support the gains of trade and recognise the substantive contributions of GATT/WTO in fostering free trade; the evidence is, however, not ubiquitously unambiguous. The macroeconomic evidence provides a dominant support for the positive and significant effects of trade on output and growth, while the microeconomic evidence lends larger support to the exogenous effects of productivity on trade, as compared to the effects of trade on productivity. The GATT/WTO remains surrounded by barriers to trade and avowed preferences for preferential trade agreements. The strength of the argument for the gains of trade needs to be evaluated in juxtaposition with several methodological and measurement issues that surround the trade‐growth empirics. Most studies focus on partial equilibrium analysis of trade policy and ignore the general equilibrium aspects of macroeconomic policy. It is difficult to disentangle the effects of trade policies from those of other macroeconomic policies and unequivocally interpret the observed correlations between trade policies and economic growth. Trade is one of the several catalysts of productivity and growth and hence its contribution is contingent on its weight in economic activity.  相似文献   

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