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1.
Abstract . Developing countries face an inconsistency between the need for more equitable distribution of income and wealth between classes and groups and the goals of an industrial relations system in which the trade unions have a systematic commitment to allied political parties to support them in exchange for some control over economic and social policy, or where unions compete with parties for popular support of certain social and political goals. This is designated as 'political unionism' in contradistinction to 'business unionism' where unions support any party whose overall strategy and objectives are most compatible. The analysis shows that ‘political unionism’ led, in Jamaica and in Trinidad and Tabago, to lags in growth which make industrial relations reform a necessity of an effective program of social change.  相似文献   

2.
Since the early 1990s, major reform efforts aimed at reducing industrial conflict, rationalising public sector labour relations, restructuring collective bargaining arrangements, and re-establishing tripartite ‘con-certation’ have transformed Italian industrial relations. This article argues that because these new reforms have been accompanied by significant shifts in both Italy's political system and the unions’ own organisation, they stand a better chance of succeeding than previous reform projects.  相似文献   

3.
This article examines the decline of collective bargaining in Portugal during the recent economic crisis and why, following significant improvements in the economic and political contexts, the number of collective agreements published each year remains lower than before. Drawing on theoretical work on institutional change by Streeck and Thelen (2005) and Baccaro and Howell (2017), it argues that industrial relations institutions in Portugal have been subject to an incremental but transformative process of liberalisation. The analysis of national data and in‐depth interviews with key informants reveals that serial legal amendments since the 1990's weakened unions, converted bargaining into a mechanism to introduce flexibility and wage austerity and reduced incentives for the parties to conclude agreements. While these changes were gradual, their consequences became clear during the crisis. By improving understanding of recent developments in Portuguese collective bargaining, the article enriches knowledge of processes of liberalisation of industrial relations in Europe.  相似文献   

4.
British entry into the European Community creates the conditions in which, for good or ill, the country's political, economic and social arrangements could be transformed. This observation applies at least as strongly to industrial relations as to other aspects of the national life. Indeed, it may even be argued that change in industrial relations in itself not only encompasses and reflects the broader patterns of socio-cultural and economic change occurring in society as a whole, but also, on occasion, is instrumental in initiating far-reaching changes outside the immediate concerns of industrial relations. Hence, the study of industrial relations could reasonably be seen as a study of society itself, in that both are concerned with the myriad of adjustments, large and small, which need to be made in the continuous task of reconciling, or providing a framework for reconciling, conflicting interests. Certainly, the study of industrial relations in a European Community context offers academics a practical and definable way of understanding the processes of integration in the organization of which Britain is now an important member. As far as managements and trade unions are concerned, short of some unusual catastrophe befalling multinational corporations, there must increasingly be a need to understand industrial relations systems and ideologies in countries other than our own for the severely practical business of negotiating viable agreements. In short, for the purposes of academic work and the requirements of the practitioner, industrial relations needs increasingly to be researched and discussed in a transnational as well as a national context, even though the latter must remain a large part of the reality for a long time to come.  相似文献   

5.
Abstract . What were the circumstances under which political unionism has emerged in economies of British colonial origin, such as Jamaica and Trinidad? The hypothesis tested is that the political activities of trade unions in such economies played a role in the process of economic development, helping to achieve political independence and then economic growth. But at that stage political unionism is found to be incompatible with needed acceleration of growth rates. A significant deterioration in economic and social conditions produced a crisis and the unions traded support for the parties for some control over economic and social policy. This gave the political leaders the power they needed to negotiate for independence but, in Jamaica, it changed the focus and character of the labor movement.  相似文献   

6.
This article explores the effects on employees of co-operation and conflict the workplace, outlining six workplace types. A survey of union representatives UK steel industry reveals evidence of co-operative industrial relations linked to superior terms and conditions, employee involvement and health and safety outcomes. However, it fails to find evidence that co-operative industrial relations are associated a broader HRM package of workplace restructuring, high performance work teams security provisions. Nor is any association revealed between co-operation and a greater role for trade unions. These findings suggest workplace co-operation in this industry remains part of a traditional gainsharing package and an 'alliance of insiders' than an HRM partnership or union incorporation. This raises broader questions the ability of co-operation to deliver important aspects of organizational competitive advantage.  相似文献   

7.
This paper makes a contribution to the ongoing debate on transnational worker representation in light of the European Works Council (EWC) directive. Three issues in particular are highlighted which we believe contribute to the organizational and political developments of EWCs. First, we present some variables which have stimulated worker representatives to 'network' with each other across national boundaries prior and parallel to the EWC directive. Looking at factors other than the EWC directive can give us a greater appreciation of the likely interactive nature of employee representatives, trade unions and management in the new forums. Second, and in particular, we explore whether certain elements of existing national industrial relations systems either stimulate or limit interest by employee representatives in forming and aligning themselves to transnational forums. Given that the German and British industrial relations systems are so different, and that the divergence between them is seen as an impediment to EU attempts to promote the growth of an integrated European system (Crouch, 1993), the research compares developments in these two countries. Third, the paper explains how management is responding to developments in transnational worker representative forums within the context of divergent industrial relations systems. We highlight in particular the way management is able to utilize institutional aspects of national systems in conditioning transnational worker representation in the newly structured forums. Such responses, we argue, raise questions regarding our understanding of convergence and divergence in industrial relations.  相似文献   

8.
This article offers a wide ranging survey of labour unions and industrial relations in contemporary Japan, through a framework which encompasses corporate governance and national level concertation. This helps framework helps to understand pressures for change from corporate and economic restructuring. As a result of restructuring, labour unions do not face the same direct threats as counterparts elsewhere, but they do face challenges to assuming an active role in the process.  相似文献   

9.
This paper explores the role of trade unions in influencing corporate change towards productivity improvement for a newly industrialized country– Singapore.Empirical analysis of a sample of firms found unionization to be positively associated with certain productivity practices.The more significant and stronger correlations being the sharing of productivity gains, role Specialization (productivity manager) and productivity as part of corporate policy. Implications of these findings are discussed.

A Sunday Times commentary 2 suggested that, drawing from the Singapore industrial relations experience, trade unions could play a positive role in generating economic growth. If that is seen to be occurring from the macrolevel, it will naturally be interesting to inquire further what effects unionization can have on internal organizational practices, such as in productivity improvement. There may also be practical benefits from having insights into the dynamic forces that are at work when trade unionism is present.

A perspective on the direction (whether positive or negative) and scale of change in the emphasis on productivity improvement practices could help multinational enterprises formulate more effective employee relations policies when operating in Singapore –where tripartite co–operation is the key industrial relations philosophy. Corporations that are in the process of

being unionized may be able to appreciate that resulting change to their operating environments as a consequence of unionization need nor always be unfavourable.Management operating in unionized contexts could rethink their industrial relations strategies in light of the findings here –that it is quite possible to work with trade unions to enhance corporate productivity.

Most significantly, such findings could foster a greater determination by both the management and unions in engendering a co-operative industrial relations climate.This is particularly relevant for corporations operating in countries such as Britain, where industrial relations are traditionally less harmonious.To survive in the increasingly global competition of the 1990s and beyond, Western businesses will need co-operative industrial relations that help to foster productivity improvement efforts. This theme isfurther explored in the last section of the paper.  相似文献   

10.
The authors review the strike that took place during 2007–08 that was called by the oldest existing German trade union, the professional union of train drivers Gewerkschaft Deutscher Lokführer (GDL). In so doing, the outcome of the strike is analysed, together with the dynamics of relationship between the GDL, the industrial union TRANSNET, the Gewerkschaft der Bahnbeamten und Anwärter (DBDA), the union of the civil servants employed by the German railway, and the railway company Deutsche Bahn (DB AG). These relationships are examined as paradigmatic of politics of a particularistic organisation like GDL and for politics of an encompassing organisation like TRANSNET. These relationships raise the question: would the growth of professional unions in Germany lead to an erosion of the German system of industrial relations, which currently is still relatively stable due to the predominance of encompassing industrial unions?  相似文献   

11.
Political systems provide the framework for organizational and technological change. Democratic systems are in some respects more open to economic and social adjustment than non-democratic systems; but the conflicting demands of entrenched interests and competition among parties for votes themselves create obstacles to adaptation.Britain's political system is the most stable in Western Europe, but it is also (after Italy) the one which is showing most signs of strain. How far is political stability a source of strength or of weakness under conditions of rapid economic and technological change? What aspects of Britain's current political difficulties are common to all democracies (as Sam Brittan argued in a classic study), or to all European social welfare economies, and what aspects are peculiar to our system alone? After five years of the most self-consciously radical government which Britain has had since 1945, how successful has our current government been in promoting economic and social change, while resisting any changes in our political system?It is argued that there has been a negative interaction between repeated efforts to transform Britain's industrial structure, and industrial relations, for example, and the obstacles to change posed by a restricted and centralised political system. Other illustrations of the interaction between political structure and policy output are taken from the evolution of Britain's relations with the European Community, from the management of industrial collaboration with other governments, and from attempts to reform the finances of local government. Britain's experience is compared and contrasted with those of the United States, France, Germany and Japan.  相似文献   

12.
This is the first of two papers dealing with the emergence of black shop floor union power and the changing structure of industrial relations in South Africa. This paper examines the evolution of black and white trade unions and their attitudes towards the officially sanctioned system of industrial relations. The observation is made that black unions are placing greater emphasis on shop-floor organization, leading to the development of an additional, but unofficial, tier in the negotiation structure in the form of work pi ace-level union recognition and bargaining.  相似文献   

13.
Perhaps the most controversial change introduced in the 1988 Employment Act was the statutory right given to union members not to be disciplined by their unions for continuing to work during lawful industrial action approved by a majority in a secret ballot. Here the authors examine the legal contexts, implications for trade unions and the wider industrial relations and political significance of this important new right.  相似文献   

14.
This article provides an analysis of developments in the determination of police pay since 1919. It reveals the contested nature of public sector pay setting where the government of the day pursues short‐term economic goals rather than taking a long‐term approach to staffing issues in essential public services. In the case of the police, the Police Federation of England and Wales (PFEW) has traditionally used both industrial and political methods to put pressure on key government decision makers. Developments reveal increasingly fraught relations between the police and the government, with the 2008 pay dispute in particular marking a new low point. Once it became clear after the 2010 general election that the government would ignore industrial pressure, then the Police Federation of England and Wales felt driven to increase the activities of its political arm. This ultimately backfired with the Plebgate scandal leaving them naked in the negotiating chamber.  相似文献   

15.
Conventional models of strikes start with the assumption that the bargainers' uniquely rational beliefs can be worked out in advance. Strikes are then explained as either the result of institutional constraints or of the possibility of irrationality. By contrast the evolutionary approach begins with a recognition that bargaining is naturally indeterminate and that, in the absence of a unique model of rational bargaining, conflict-free agreements between rational trades unions and firms reflect the evolution of one out of many possible conventions. This paper explores the alternative interpretation of strikes afforded by this perspective. In particular, it shows how strikes help shape the dispositions of bargainers (as opposed to just revealing it), how periods of conflict are succeeded by periods of industrial peace (and vice versa), and how the stability of bargaining protocols depends not only on the conventions regulating the relations between unions and firms but also on those between workers and union leaders as well as on technological innovations.  相似文献   

16.
There is growing recognition in Britain that high levels of unemployment are likely to survive the current recession and economic policies. This explains the continuing interest in the work-sharing issue within British unions; this article examines some of the industrial relations issues and implications of the practice.  相似文献   

17.
Nordic industrial relations models have often been highlighted as being successful ‘highroads’ in advanced capitalism. However, the economic crisis has increased pressures to liberalise and deregulate labour markets. Although this challenges the Danish industrial relations model, there are several countermeasures, in particular strong unions and the supportive institutional context, which have prevented erosion indicating the resilience and adaptability of the model.  相似文献   

18.
Terry's explanation of the role of the law in the flexibility of Italian industrial relations is disputed. Instead the political and social nature of the labour movement is used to explain what amounts to a ‘crisis’ for Italian unions  相似文献   

19.
Wage claims have been an important feature of British industrial relations during the postwar period. They help set the boundaries within which wage negotiations take place and provide an insight into the conduct of negotiations, especially during periods of change in industrial relations. Despite this, claims remain an underinvestigated area. This article provides a unique investigation of the dimensions of wage claims over a period of free collective bargaining. The number of wage claims declined along with unionisation but, over a period of economic turbulence, the conduct of British wage setting began to change. We examine data on claims and investigate the influences on changes in those claims over time. We find that external factors (inflation, unemployment and legislative control of unions) were more prominent in shaping the development of claims than changes in the composition of groups who continued to post claims.  相似文献   

20.
This article overviews developments in industrial relations in the Czech Republic, Hungary and Poland since the fall of the communist regimes in 1989, and assesses the extent to which key developments in these countries reflect both change and continuity from the communist period. We explore the four main institutions through which industrial relations have been conducted: trades unions, workers’ councils, employer organisations, and the tripartite arrangements involving representatives of unions and employers with the state.  相似文献   

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