LIBERTY BETWEEN THE LINES IN A STATIST AND MODERNIST AGE: UNFOLDING THE ADAM SMITH IN FRIEDRICH HAYEK

This article interprets F. A. Hayek as having been constrained by the statism and modernism of his times, and as writing in a way that obscured some of his central ideas. I suggest that between the lines we can see a focus on liberty understood hardily as others not messing with one's stuff– even though Hayek in The Constitution of Liberty defined liberty in ways that tended to obscure this hardy definition, and Hayek often used code words like ‘competition,’‘the market,’ and ‘spontaneous’ where ‘liberty’ or ‘freedom’ would have been plainer, albeit more offensive to the culture. Seeing the hardy definition of liberty between the lines in Hayek enables us to see his focus on the liberty principle and his case for a presumption of liberty. Such a reading of Hayek, I suggest, is true to Adam Smith, who expounded a central message that by and large the liberty principle holds, and that it deserves the presumption in our culture and politics.     

Socio‐politically polarized contexts,urban mobilization and the environmental movement: a comparative study of two campaigns of protest in Northern Ireland

This article uses a structural approach to the investigation of the continuity and discontinuity between ‘old’ urban and ‘new’ environmental protest, opening further space for analysis of the relationship between different mobilizations in Northern Ireland. In particular, I suggest that the ‘novelty’ and strength of social movements' challenges can be assessed in terms of their capacity to promote participation and cooperation between the opposite poles of established cleavages, especially when one engages in the analysis of socio‐politically polarized contexts. In this article I focus on two mobilizations. On the one hand, I show that the first Westlink protest of the 1970s was not the product of an integrated social movement but, rather, of a heterogeneous and instrumental coalition of urban and political actors which gained no support from formal environmental organizations and soon split along the national‐religious divide. On the other hand, I show that the current Westlink campaign is the product of a cohesive network, which cuts across the many socio‐political cleavages of Northern Ireland, linking together local, urban and community groups, conservation and environmental organizations, associations, universities, political actors and parties, of opposing national‐religious identity. I then take these two patterns of mobilization as a dependent variable and explain them by drawing on theories of resource mobilization, new social movements, framing and political opportunity structure. Cet article applique une démarche structurelle à l'examen de la continuité et discontinuité entre ‘ancienne’ contestation urbaine et ‘nouvelle’ contestation environnementale, dégageant ainsi un espace qui permet d'analyser le lien entre diverses mobilisations en Irlande du Nord. Il suggère notamment que la ‘nouveauté’ et l'intensité des défis lancés par les mouvements sociaux peuvent s'évaluer en termes de capacitéà favoriser participation et coopération entre les pôles opposés de clivages établis, en particulier si l'on s'intéresse aux contextes socio‐politiques polarisés. Deux mobilisations sont approfondies. D'une part, la première manifestation du Westlink dans les années 1970 ne résultait pas d'un mouvement social intégré, mais plutôt d'une coalition hétérogène et pragmatique d'acteurs politiques et urbains, laquelle n'a jamais reçu le soutien d'organismes officiels de protection de l'environnement et s'est rapidement divisée en suivant la fracture nationale religieuse. D'autre part, la campagne actuelle du Westlink est le produit d'un réseau cohérent, qui transcende les nombreux clivages socio‐politiques d'Irlande du Nord, reliant groupes locaux, urbains et communautés, organismes de protection et de défense de l'environnement, associations, universités, acteurs et partis politiques, tous d'identités nationales et religieuses différentes. Ces deux schémas de mobilisation sont ensuite repris en tant que variables dépendantes, et explicitées à partir des théories sur la mobilisation des ressources, les nouveaux mouvements sociaux, les cadres et la structure politique des opportunités.     

Henry George and Europe: As Dissident Economist and Path-breaking Philosopher, He was a Catalyst for British Social Reform

Abstract . Henry George's influence was greater in the United Kingdom than in the United States. The 80s and 90s there were particularly favorable for the reception of his revolutionary ideas. Though, thanks to such thinkers as Alfred Russell Wallace and James and John Stuart Mill, a land reform movement already existed, its sudden rise to national significance was due to George. George's writing and speaking skills and his dedication moved many serious citizens into the political Left and heavily influenced men and women who became leaders of British non-Marxian socialism, at the formation and consolidation of their movement. While George's followers broke with both the Wallace and socialist movements, George's rhetorical talents awakened the broad circles of thinking people to a consciousness of the full range of the social question.     

Bourdieu Comes to Town: Pertinence,Principles, Applications

This article frames the themes of the two‐part Interventions section ‘Bourdieu Comes to Town’. I first establish the pertinence of Bourdieu's sociology for students of the city by revisiting his youthful work on power, space, and the diffusion of urban forms in provincial Béarn and colonial Algeria. In both cases, urbanization is the key vector of transformation, and the city, town, or camp the site anchoring the forces dissolving the social fabric of the French countryside and overturning French imperialism in North Africa. These early studies establish that all social and mental structures have spatial correlates and conditions of possibility; that social distance and power relations are both expressed in and reinforced by spatial distance; and that propinquity to the center of accumulation of capital (economic, military, or cultural) is a key determinant of the force and velocity of social change. Next, I discuss four principles that undergird Bourdieu's investigations and can profitably drive urban inquiry: the Bachelardian moment of epistemological rupture, the Weberian invitation to historicize the agent (habitus), the world (social space) and the categories of the analyst (epistemic reflexivity); the Leibnizian‐Durkheimian imperative to deploy the topological mode of reasoning; and Cassirer's command to heed the constitutive efficacy of symbolic structures. The plasticity and productivity of his concepts suggest that Bourdieu can not only energize urban inquiry but also merge it into a broader analytic of the trialectic of symbolic division, social space, and the built environment. This paves a pathway for reconceptualizing the urban as the domain of accumulation, differentiation and contestation of manifold forms of capital, which makes the city a central ground, product, and prize of historical struggles.     

Governance, Democracy and Poverty Reduction: Lessons Drawn from Household Surveys in Sub-Saharan Africa and Latin America

Public statistics face quite a challenge when it comes to measuring new dimensions of development (institutions, governance, and social and political participation). To take up this challenge, modules on Governance, Democracy and Multiple Dimensions of Poverty have been appended to household surveys by National Statistics Institutes in twelve African and Latin American developing countries. This paper presents the issues addressed and the methodological lessons learnt along with a selection of findings to illustrate this innovative approach and demonstrate its analytic potential. We investigate, for instance, the population's support for democratic principles, the respect for civil and political rights and the trust in the political class; the ‘need for the State’, particularly of the poorest; the extent of petty corruption; the reliability of expert surveys on governance; the perception of decentralization policies at local level; the level and vitality of social and political participation, etc. The conclusive appraisal made opens up prospects for the national statistical information systems in the developing countries. The measurement and tracking of this new set of objective and subjective public policy monitoring indicators would benefit from being made systematic.     

Decentralization is Dead,Long Live Decentralization! Capital City Reform and Political Rights in Kampala,Uganda

African cities are currently experiencing some of the highest population growth rates in the world. Accompanying this growth is constant and continuing pressure on national and local governments to develop political and institutional structures that respond to the multiple demands this demographic change provokes in relation to service delivery, economic development and social wellbeing. In response to these challenges, national governments are reviewing the political and administrative structures of their capital cities, sometimes recentralizing authority. This article examines the reforms to Kampala, capital city of Uganda. The article explains how the national government gradually created the legal conditions necessary to take over the capital city directly, and the political rhetoric and conflict that ensued. We argue that while Kampala had deep internal problems and fared poorly in service delivery, matters were exacerbated by the national government's historical indifference to the city. Moreover, past service delivery failures offered an easy rationale for recentralizing authority. We demonstrate that this recentralization was a well‐planned effort by the central government to regain political control of the capital city. This article illustrates how the national government's recentralization of authority in Kampala is a significant departure from its longstanding policy of democratic decentralization.     

Paradigm Shifts in Social Housing after Welfare-State Transformation: Learning from the German Experience

Welfare-state transformation and entrepreneurial urban politics in Western welfare states since the late 1970s have yielded converging trends in the transformation of the dominant Fordist paradigm of social housing in terms of its societal function and institutional and spatial form. In this article I draw from a comparative case study on two cities in Germany to show that the resulting new paradigm is simultaneously shaped by the idiosyncrasies of the country's national housing regime and local housing policies. While German governments have successively limited the societal function of social housing as a legitimate instrument only for addressing exceptional housing crises, local policies on providing and organizing social housing within this framework display significant variation. However, planning and design principles dominating the spatial forms of social housing have been congruent. They may be interpreted as both an expression of the marginalization of social housing within the restructured welfare housing regime and a tool of its implementation according to the logics of entrepreneurial urban politics.     

Estimation of sons' intergenerational earnings mobility in the presence of censoring

Based on intergenerational data from the Panel Study of Income Dynamics, I provide estimates of income mobility across generations for men. Special attention is paid to issues of censoring caused by a son's unemployment. Employing non‐parametric bounds estimates, I illustrate that previous income mobility estimates rely heavily on (unjustified) assumptions of exogenous selection. Assuming a son's potential income is instead a function of his reason for unemployment and work history, I re‐estimate mobility. Allowing for sampling variability, the range of feasible slopes consistent with these modified bounds restrictions is 0.27 to 0.55. Copyright © 2002 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd.     

Franz Oppenheimer's (1864–1943) Social Economic Approach to Health

The idea of scholarly synthesis was central to the founders of the American Journal of Economics and Sociology. Franz Oppenheimer (1864–1943) in fact impersonated the idea of scholarly synthesis. Being the son of a Reformist rabbi—these religious roots provided the impulse for his work—he started out as a physician in the industrial suburbs of Berlin; his diagnosis was that he faced social and not medical disease, which consequently brought him to the study of economics. But unlike many mainstream economists today, he insisted on the necessary cooperation between economists and sociologists, ideally in one person. His chair in Frankfurt, showing his own handwriting, was denominated for economic theory and sociology. In this article, I show his contributions with respect to economic aspects of health. These are not well known. Part of the reason is that the field of health economics as it is taught now is very narrow. Therefore, Oppenheimer's health economic contributions tend to be overlooked.     

Free collective bargaining and incomes policy: learning from Barbara Wootton and Hugh Clegg on post‐war British Industrial Relations and wage inequality

Growing income inequality has returned as a major political issue in affluent, advanced economies, often associated directly with the decline of trade unions and collective bargaining. In policy terms, this has been reflected in the British campaign for a ‘Living Wage’ and the new German minimum wage. Yet on the broader front, Industrial Relations (IR) struggles to find a credible regulatory strategy to address inequality—one that combines state and civil society initiatives and can be legitimised in political philosophy. This History and Policy article argues that there is much to learn from the IR past, before neo‐liberalism. My focus is the writing of Barbara Wootton and Hugh Clegg on ‘Incomes Policy’, from the 1950s to the early 1980s, when this was a central intellectual and policy issue in British IR. I explore the differing justifications for Incomes Policy, from corporatist macro‐economic management to social equality, comparing and contrasting the democratic socialist political principles of Wootton with Clegg's social democratic pluralism. The conclusion relates this historical debate between state pattern and civil society process to current concerns about how social democratic ideas and IR policy can address the problem of labour market inequality.     

Do Politics or Mayors' Demographics Matter for Municipal Revenue Expansion?

Abstract

This study examines whether political factors and mayors' demographics influence municipal success in expanding revenue. Data from forty Colombian municipalities over a 7-year period (1999–2005) are used to explore the relationship between mayoral demographics (age, sectorial experience and education level and type) and revenue expansion through state and national grants. Results reveal that the factors affecting approval of state grants differ from those influencing approval of national grants. When a mayor's political party is aligned with that of the governor, municipalities tend to secure more state, but not national, grants. Municipal features, such as population, local revenues and divided government, positively influence national, but not state grants. Not surprisingly, the stressful municipal context (presence of illegally armed guerrillas) negatively moderates the impact of mayors' demographics on approval of grants. If obtaining greater revenues implies greater social investment, this study suggests the importance of candidates' backgrounds when electing mayors, at least in the Colombian context.     

Economy as a Social System: Niklas Luhmann's Contribution and its Significance for Economics

Niklas Luhmann's (1927–1998) ambitious research project was aimed not only at describing society as a global social system, but it also analyzed various subsystems (including an economic one). The article assesses Luhmann's vision of the economy, summarized mainly in his Wirtschaft der Gesellschaft, wherein he addresses basic economic notions: the economic system, money, prices, rationality, and the market. I then interpret his ideas in the context of modern discussions in economics (intersubjective structures, complex systems, and evolutionary modeling). I also propose some heuristics implied by Luhmann's economic ontology, which are potentially interesting for methodological and theoretical strategies of modern economics.     

In Memory of the Father: Laurence S. Moss

A personal reflection on the life and philosophy of the late Laurence S. Moss (former editor of the AJES) by his son, Joshua Louis Moss. Mixing personal anecdote with a general academic analysis, Moss informally examines his father's intellectual beginnings in the 1960s drawn from the lectures of Ludwig Von Mises, and traces this through his father's development of innovative teaching techniques like the incorporation of stage magic. Moss examines his father's intellectual contrarianism and canonical skepticism as key developmental foundations used to build his father's academic and pedagogical approach. Moss examines his father's interest in expanding economics through a cross‐disciplinary approach utilizing philosophy, history, sociology, and performance studies through his father's innovative examination of points of contact between the principles of stage magic and the principles of economic theory.     

Dale Carnegie's Leadership Principles: Examining the Theoretical and Empirical Support

Dale Carnegie's best‐seller How to Win Friends & Influence People offers advice on leadership, interpersonal relationships, and persuasion. Though profoundly influential, Carnegie's self‐help book—including its nine guiding leadership principles—is based on anecdotes, case studies, and personal examples rather than empirical evidence. Examining the theoretical and empirical support behind Carnegie's leadership principles is essential for leaders to better understand whether to draw upon these principles and, if so, how and when to effectively use them in the workplace.     

新民主主义革命时期中国共产党国家审计思想的政治经济学分析

新民主主义革命时期党的国家审计思想是中国共产党在运用马克思主义政治经济学分析根据地审计实践过程中形成的经验总结,是中国共产党百年审计思想史的重要组成部分。在理论上认识和阐述新民主主义革命时期中国共产党国家审计思想的理论依据,总结国家审计思想的理论创新,不仅是当前国家审计理论研究的重要任务,也是构建中国特色社会主义政治经济学理论体系的重要任务。马克思主义政治经济学关于国家、财政与监督的理论是中国共产党国家审计思想的基本理论依据。基于马克思主义政治经济学的理论基础,中国共产党从中国实际出发,在战争中艰难探索,努力实现国家审计思想的理论创新。新民主主义革命时期党的国家审计思想的理论创新涵盖四个维度：一是坚持马克思主义政治经济学的理论基础,二是坚持党领导审计监督工作的政治基础,三是坚持审计监督为人民服务的群众基础,四是坚持新民主主义道路的审计实践基础。     

Recentering the City

In The City and the Grassroots, Manuel Castells recentered the city as the site of distinctively urban social movements and reaffirmed the role of purposive social action in constructing a distinctively urban space. Although Castells’ recitation of five centuries of urban political activism documents the consistent failure of such movements to achieve their goals, his account is persistently optimistic on at least three counts. First, recentering the city reminds us that, despite the failure of transitory political movements, the city endures as an opportunity for renewed political activism. The continual possibility of change offered by the city's ontological persistence is separate from the fate of any given political intervention. Second, regardless of its specific success or failure, each episode of urban activism establishes a new context for the next encounter, its legacy persisting in the collective memories — the stock of mnemonic capital — of which the city is the repository. Third, Castells’ emphasis on political agency affirms that, while all action is ephemeral, its constitutive re‐enactment ceaselessly provides openings for insurgency and transgression. This optimistic message is worth repeating today.     

Seeing Like a Theorist

Warren Magnusson sees a problem endemic to political thought and practice: we see the world in ways that presume and reaffirm the necessity of a sovereign territorial state, on pain of violent disorder in its absence. The solution is to ‘see like a city’, shaking off the dualism of sovereignty versus anarchy and finding a richer space of political possibilities. I admire and applaud Magnusson's critical efforts to challenge dominant categories and illuminate possibilities, but these aims rest uneasily with his polemical contrast between sovereignty and cities.     

The professional manager of the future

It's just possible that a businessman's role in the year 2000 will erode seriously due to little involvement in the growing “leisure values” of an affluent culture and failure to contribute directly to the needs of what will be a strongly post-industrial society. But if we want to train managers who are able to meet the needs and interests of the wider community, how do we prepare them for something as conceptual as “social responsibility”? Is it enough to superimpose on the business curriculum some courses in the social, political or technical-environmental forces affecting the individual and his firm, i.e. make the student study more and longer before he becomes an operative “professional”?