Three Kinds of Economists:

A bstract . The diversity of thought among American economistsis investigated using samples of the memberships of the American Economic Association, the Union for Radical Political Economists and the Association for Evolutionary Economics. Discriminant analysis reveals a complex web of theoretical and organizational integration and separatism involving theoretical orientation in economics, emulative economists, scholarly research focus, organizational membership, and political values. The modal radical economist espouses a radical political economic philosophy and pursues Marxist/radical scholarship in an academic setting. The modal neoclassical economist , radical in neither disciplinary nor personal political beliefs, is found, more often than the other types, in nonacademic administrative work. Marxist/radical and institutionalist scholarship are mutually exclusive. Other dimensions of the professional role, as well as a number of social and biographical background characteristics, do not differentiate between types of economists.     

Testing the Political Replacement Effect: A Panel Data Analysis*

This article tests for the existence of the political replacement effect, as suggested by Acemoglu and Robinson: [American Political Science Review, Vol. 100, pp. 115–131]. They argue that the implementation of market‐oriented reform is crucially driven by the political calculus of incumbent governments: they implement economic policy change if such a choice is not expected to reduce their chances to retain power. This implies a non‐monotonic relationship between the level of political competition and the extent of economic reform. We test this hypothesis using data for 102 countries over the period 1980 to 2005. Our results strongly support the theory.     

浅析我国国际政治经济学价值取向的两种消极倾向

文章通过分析当前我国国际政治经济学"西化"、"美国化"和"去政治化"、"普世化"两种消极倾向,有选择地吸收西方相关思想理论和以我国根本利益为出发点的方法,明确我国国际政治经济学研究价值取向的结论。     

Social Ecological Economics: Understanding the Past to See the Future

The attempt to provide insight into the interactions between the economy and the environment has been an on‐going struggle for many decades. The rise of Ecological Economics can be seen as a positive step towards integrating social and natural science understanding by a movement that aims to go beyond the confines of mainstream economics towards a progressive political economy of the environment. However, this vision has not been shared by all those who have associated themselves with Ecological Economics and there has been conflict. An historical analysis is presented that shows the role of mainstream theory in delimiting the field of environmental research. The argument is put forward that rather than employing a purely mechanistic objective empirical methodology there is a need for an integrating interdisciplinarity heterodox economic approach. In order to distinguish this approach—from the more mainstream multidisciplinary linking of unreconstituted ecological and economic models—the name Social Ecological Economics is put forward as expressing the essential socio‐economic character of the needed work ahead.     

Unity in the Social Thought of Adolph Lowe: A Review of "Essays in Political Economics: Public Control in a Democratic Society"

Abstract . From the economist Adolph Lowe's voluminous-writings, Allen Oakleyh has selected eight essays which present the gist of Lowe's thought. It unifies his structural analyses and his instrumental analyses into the system Lowe calls “Political Economics.” This pre-orders desired ends or effects and then determines or applies goal-adequate means to achieve these ends. Lowe's Essays in Political Economics sketches the economic paradigm by which he expands the evolutionary way of thinking from the subject —economic behavior— to the object, the socioeconomic world. He argues that instability is fundamental, basic and inherent in contemporary industrial capitalism as it has evolved physically, technologically and socially and stability can be restored by an approach which reverses the continuum to end-means. He holds that if the world evolves, and it does, so must the goal-adequate methods and instrumentalities to deal with it.     

Democracy and adaptation to economic and technological change: Is the British political system capable of adjusting?

Political systems provide the framework for organizational and technological change. Democratic systems are in some respects more open to economic and social adjustment than non-democratic systems; but the conflicting demands of entrenched interests and competition among parties for votes themselves create obstacles to adaptation.Britain's political system is the most stable in Western Europe, but it is also (after Italy) the one which is showing most signs of strain. How far is political stability a source of strength or of weakness under conditions of rapid economic and technological change? What aspects of Britain's current political difficulties are common to all democracies (as Sam Brittan argued in a classic study), or to all European social welfare economies, and what aspects are peculiar to our system alone? After five years of the most self-consciously radical government which Britain has had since 1945, how successful has our current government been in promoting economic and social change, while resisting any changes in our political system?It is argued that there has been a negative interaction between repeated efforts to transform Britain's industrial structure, and industrial relations, for example, and the obstacles to change posed by a restricted and centralised political system. Other illustrations of the interaction between political structure and policy output are taken from the evolution of Britain's relations with the European Community, from the management of industrial collaboration with other governments, and from attempts to reform the finances of local government. Britain's experience is compared and contrasted with those of the United States, France, Germany and Japan.     

On intermediate utility functions

Intermediate utility functions have been recently introduced by Persson and Tabellini (2000, Political Economics: Explaining Economics Policy, MIT Press, Cambridge) and ensure the existence of a majority voting equilibrium at multi-dimensional voting. Here, we show that monotone transforms of these utility functions also are sufficient for the existence of a Condorcet winner.     

Leonhard Miksch (1901–1950)

A bstract    German economist Leonhard Miksch's ideas on ordoliberalism have so far received little attention in the history of economic thought. This is surprising, as Miksch provides insights into the debates within the so-called "Freiburg School of Law and Economics" in its early phase and, moreover, gave impulses that were essential to the further development of this economic approach. In addition, as a close advisor to Ludwig Erhard, the "political father" of the German "Social Market Economy," his influence on German postwar economic policy was considerable.     

北京城市功能综合化的深层原因

政治中心是北京发展的决定性因素.在北京发展战略研究中,人口规模和建设规模是两大难题,规划指标反复被突破,原因是对政治中心的强大后续效应估计不足,对政治中心城市功能综合化估计不足.政治中心有直接后续效应,也有通过制度、文化、心理等因素延伸的间接后续效应.间接后续效应是城市发展的超经济动力.     

An Economics Classic and Plutology

A bstract . Henry George's Progress and Poverty , published a century ago, laid the foundation for a theory that attracted a worldwide following. He emphasized that political economy investigates the way a community produces wealth and the proportions in which that wealth will be distributed between individuals. In our day that has been called 'plutology' , a subdiscipline of political economy. Many of George's critics, then and now, act as apologists of the status quo, in society and in the academy. But the science's purview must be broader than plutology. Economics , to be relevant, must be useful in the solution of economic and social problems. In redirecting economists to their basic responsibility, George made a lasting contribution to economic science. He also was a perennial influence on economic scholar, even on some of his most antagonistic critics. But George is neglected because his doctrines were and are a threat to various establishments. However, by force of logic and through clarity of expression, he is a goad to the consciences of all folk of good will.     

Citizenship and industrial relations

Under the Victorian ideal of laissez-faire, industrial relations are conducted unilaterally by employers unimpeded by employees' rights of citizenship. The four facets of citizenship—civil, political, industrial, and social—impinge in a variety of ways on the employment relationship. Civil citizenship, by barring discrimination on account of race or sex, interferes with maintenance of segregated pools of cheap secondary labor. Political citizenship enfranchises propertyless workers and alters the enactments of legislatures. Industrial citizenship creates the institutional basis for collective bargaining. Social citizenship confers economic benefits and protective regulations not driven directly by market forces. Political ascendancy of laissez-faire advocates undermines rights of citizenship and has a retrograde effect on industrial relations.This article is a revised version of a paper presented at the First Industrial Relations Congress of the Americans in Quebec City to the Study Group on Industrial Relations as a Field and Industrial Relations Theory on August 27, 1988. I thank Jack Barbash for the opportunity to present it there.     

高管政治升迁对企业价值的影响研究综述

随着中国经济和政治的发展,越来越多的公司管理者获得了某种形式的政治升迁,高管获得政治升迁后势必会对相关企业产生影响,而高管的政治升迁与政治关联既有联系又有区别,政治关联往往是高管政治升迁的结果,政治关联会导致高管追求政治升迁。国内外学者以政治关联为出发点,对政治关联、政治关联对企业价值的影响以及其经济后果的研究现状进行阐述,很有必要在此基础上进行评价、分析,为日后的研究奠定基础。     

AGAINST LEVIATHAN: A REVIEW OF CLASSICAL LIBERALISM IN THE 21ST CENTURY: ESSAYS IN HONOUR OF NORMAN P. BARRY1

Classical Liberalism in the 21st Century is a collection of essays from colleagues and friends of the late Norman Barry, Professor of Social and Political Theory at the University of Buckingham. Most share Barry's Hayekian perspective. The essays cover themes such as: international competition in trade and between jurisdictions; the corporate social responsibility fad; secular economic errors; policies relating to alleged global warming; the state's impotence at removing externalities; the moral functions of competition; and, above all, Barry's rigour and eloquence in the economic and political case for freedom.     

Russia's European economic integration: Escapism and realities

Russia seeks closer economic ties with EU, and EU is enlarged with 10 new members. Against this background, what future Russia-EU economic relationship is realistic? The paper analyses the enlargement's effect on trade between Russia, “old” and “new” Europe's, changes in tariffs and non-tariff barriers, and institutional issues. The reasons why EU and Russia cannot co-operate closer are political (very difficult), economic (probably less difficult), and legal (very difficult on harmonization and dynamics). Political because of different, e.g. geopolitical objectives (mentioned at the end), economic (as reflected in the NTB-section, e.g.) and legal (the impossibility of an CEES).     

Political competition and economic performance: evidence from Indonesia

Economics of Governance - This paper analyses the impact of political competition on economic performance in Indonesia. This study uses a database covering 427 districts in Indonesia, from 2000 to...     

India's Evolving Economic Model:

Abstract Over the course of the past 50 years, India has developed as a stable economy. Economic policies of the Indian government have guided and shaped India into a mixed economy. Political stability has been a significant factor in this process. The United States and European economic and political systems had a significant impact on evolution of India's economic model. Financial and economic reforms since 1991 have accelerated the pace of change toward an open market economy both in its internal operations and in its linkages with the global markets. India's economic future is now promising as it moves forward on its unique path of economic policy.     

Adolph Lowe's Methodological Alternative for Economic Research and Policy

A bstract . Social scientists and philosophers are engaged in a profound re-examination of the foundations of economic science. Among them the economist, Adolph Lowe , opened a new vista. First, in his Economics and Sociology: A Plea for Cooperation in the Social Sciences (1935) he argued compellingly for a unified social science. Lowe introduced there the concept of " instrumental analysis " which he greatly modified in On Economic Knowledge (1965) and applied to a major issue of contemporary economics in The Path of Economic Growth (1976). Instrumental analysis is intended to achieve a system of " political economics ," a theory for deriving one or more paths—a sequence of positions—over which an initial state of an economy can be transformed into a terminal state—a goal itself stipulated by political decision. Instrumental analysis is also used to determine measures of public control to achieve the behavioral pattern suitable to set and keep the system on the goal-adequate trajectory.     

THE ORGANIZATION AS POLITICAL ARENA

Politics and conflict sometimes capture an organization in whole or significant part, giving rise to a form we call the Political Arena. After discussing briefly the system of politics in organizations, particularly as a set of ‘political games’, we derive through a series of propositions four basic types of Political Arenas: the complete Political Arena (characterized by conflict that is intensive and pervasive), the confrontation (conflict that is intensive but contained), the shaky alliance (conflict that is moderate and contained), and the politicized organization (conflict that is moderate but pervasive). the interrelationships among these four, as well as the context of each, are then described in terms of a process model of life cycles of Political Arenas. A final section of the paper considers the functional roles of politics in organizations.     

论政治工作者应具备的责任感与责任心

政治责任感是人们从政治的高度,对自己本职工作热爱和负责的精神,是人们干好本职工作的前提和动力。一个人只要热爱本职工作,只要对本职工作尽心尽责,就会产生政治责任感。作为教育人、培养人的思想政治工作者,则比一般人具有更高更强的政治责任感,这是由思想政治工作者的工作性质所决定的。本文论述了思想整治工作者的政治责任感的具体表现所在,并探讨了思想政治工作者应具备的素质。