中国加入WTO环境保护的对策研究

中国目前正积极准备加入世界贸易组织（WTO）,WTO的宗旨是实现世界贸易自由化,而贸易自由化与环境保护之间存在着密切的关系。本文总结了GATT／WTO的多边贸易协议中与环境保护有关的规定与条款,对加入WTO我国环境保护与国际贸易的协调发展提出了对策建议。     

WTO accession,trade expansion,and air pollution: Evidence from China’s county‐level panel data

This study provides evidence that trade expansion has contributed to the degradation of air pollution in China. On the basis of different responses of counties’ trade to China's World Trade Organization accession at the end of 2001, we exploit air pollution data from NASA to construct a difference‐in‐differences predicted trade as an instrument for our identification. We document statistically significant and robust evidence on trade expansion, which accounts for approximately 60% and 20% for the increase of PM_2.5 and SO₂, respectively, in China. Findings on trade pollution relation are robust to various tests. Deterioration in the environment is mainly driven by scale and trade in polluting sectors.     

Pollution Policy and Trade Liberalization of Environmental Goods

During the Doha Round at the World Trade Organization, reductions in trade barriers on environmental goods (EG) were put forward as a means of helping developed and developing countries alike deal with current environmental problems. We examine the potential effectiveness of such a strategy in a developing country that imports all its consumption of EG from an imperfectly competitive foreign eco-industry. We point out that trade liberalization of EG might in fact lead to less stringent pollution taxes, which can result in an actual rise in pollution levels. We then show that the environmental effectiveness objective of this trade reform can be achieved when the regulator uses quantitative abatement standards as an alternative pollution policy instrument. However, this environmental achievement comes at the expense of social welfare.     

China in the World Trading System

This article discusses China's trade policy stance followingWorld Trade Organization (WTO) accession in 2002. The issuesnow for China are less the merits of WTO accession, and morehow her global trade policies are cast given WTO membership.Three issues are taken up. The first is the extent to whichWTO accession helps China in dealing with various key tradeissues, including anti-dumping, and textiles and apparel trade.The second is China's participation in regional trade agreementspost-WTO accession. The third is the implementability of China'saccession commitments in the key service areas (banking, insurance,telecoms). (JEL: F10)     

The Trade Effects of Indian Antidumping Actions

Antidumping (AD) has emerged as the most widespread policy impediment to trade in the last 25 years. One of the surprise proliferators of AD in the lesser developed world has been India, which has filed an outstanding number of 285 cases between 1992 and 2002. In this paper, I study empirically the effect of Indian AD cases on trade flows from other countries. I also look at the effect of AD cases on trade diversion from countries subject to or “named” in AD investigations to non‐subject or “non‐named” countries and conclude that Indian AD policy is effective. I use a unique dataset combining AD data from the World Trade Organization with trade data from Comtrade. The empirical model is estimated via the Arellano–Bond procedure.     

Are Preferential Trade Agreements with Non-trade Objectives a Stumbling Block for Multilateral Liberalization?

In many preferential trade agreements (PTAs), countries exchange not only reductions in trade barriers but also cooperation in non-trade issues such as labour and environmental standards, intellectual property, etc. We provide a model of PTAs motivated by cooperation in non-trade issues and analyse its implications for global free trade and welfare. We find that such PTAs increase the cost of multilateral tariff reductions and thus cause a stumbling block to global free trade. This occurs because multilateral tariff reductions decrease the threat that can be used in PTAs and thus the surplus that can be extracted from them. By explicitly modelling the interaction between preferential and multilateral negotiations, we derive a testable prediction and provide novel econometric evidence that supports the model's key prediction. The welfare analysis shows that the current World Trade Organization rules allowing this type of PTAs may be optimal for economically large countries, thus the model can predict the rules we observe. We also analyse alternative rules that constitute a Pareto improvement.     

Environmental Protection for Sale: Strategic Green Industrial Policy and Climate Finance

Industrial policy has long been criticized as subject to protectionist interests; accordingly, subsidies to domestic producers face disciplines under World Trade Organization agreements, without exceptions for environmental purposes. Now green industrial policy is gaining popularity as governments search for low-carbon solutions that also provide jobs at home. The strategic trade literature has largely ignored the issue of market failures related to green goods. I consider the market for a new environmental good (like low-carbon technology) whose downstream consumption provides external benefits (like reduced emissions). Governments may have some preference for supporting domestic production, such as by interest-group lobbying, introducing a political distortion in their objective function. I examine the national incentives and global rationales for offering production (upstream) and deployment (downstream) subsidies in producer countries, allowing that some of the downstream market may lie in nonregulating third-party countries. Restraints on upstream subsidies erode global welfare when environmental externalities are large enough relative to political distortions. Climate finance is an effective alternative if political distortions are large and governments do not undervalue carbon costs. Numerical simulations of the case of renewable energy indicate that a modest social cost of carbon can imply benefits from allowing upstream subsidies.     

GRADUAL TRADE LIBERALIZATION WITH SLUGGISH CAPITAL MOVEMENT

Abstract.  This paper analyses how domestic sluggish capital movement can affect multilateral trade negotiations between countries. In multilateral trade talks, including the current Doha Round of trade talks organized by the World Trade Organization, countries take steps to liberalize even though they seem to be moving towards the ultimate free trade equilibrium. This paper argues that when capital moves sluggishly between sectors in an economy, there are cases in which countries do not want to move to the ultimate free trade equilibrium immediately. Instead, they find it more beneficial if they simultaneously move gradually, with their tariffs lowered step by step.     

Environmental Barriers to Trade: The Case of Endangered Sea Turtles

In April of 1998, the World Trade Organization pronounced the US Sea Turtle Conservation Act in violation of the GATT. This paper presents a stylized Heckscher–Ohlin–Samuelson model in which the fatal entrapment of sea turtles in nets of the shrimping industry is a negative externality that reduces global utility. Three trade equilibria are simulated: free trade, trade ban, and free trade with subsidization. With free trade, a transfer of abatement capital from the North to the South results in a Pareto improvement upon the trade ban. The simulations indicate that a cooperative outcome which obtains global efficiency may be feasible but is improbable.     

Trade and Domestic Policy Linkage in International Agreements*

A central question in discussions of integrating negotiations over domestic policy (e.g., environmental policy or labor standards) into traditional trade agreements is the degree to which the trade policy and domestic policy provisions of an agreement should be explicitly linked. For example, should the World Trade Organization enforce domestic policy obligations with the threat of the suspension of trade concessions? This article considers the conditions under which linking trade and domestic policy agreements within a self‐enforcing agreement is beneficial, and argues that the benefits of such policy linkage may be lower than is commonly thought.     

Which International Institutions Promote International Trade?

This paper estimates the effect on international trade of three multilateral organizations intended to increase trade: (1) the World Trade Organization (WTO) and its predecessor the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade (GATT); (2) the International Monetary Fund (IMF); and (3) the Organisation for Economic Co‐operation and Development (OECD) and its predecessor the Organisation for European Economic Co‐operation (OEEC). I use a standard “gravity” model of bilateral merchandise trade and a large panel dataset covering over 50 years and 175 countries. My results indicate that OECD membership has had a consistently large positive effect on trade, while accession to the GATT/WTO also increases trade.     

Institutional quality and the effectiveness of aid for trade

Trade policy barriers and high transaction costs hinder developing countries from taking the full advantages of the global trading system. In order to help developing countries overcome the problem, the World Trade Organization (WTO) launched the Aid for Trade (AFT) initiatives in its Ministerial Conference held in Hong Kong in 2005. We examine the effects of AFT inflows on bilateral trade costs facing 133 developing countries while accounting for differences in their location on the contours of various measures of institutional quality. Our results from the estimation of a mixed effects (random-intercept and random-coefficient) model indicate that institutional quality significantly affects the extent to which AFT reduces bilateral trade costs. An important policy implication of our findings is that an economically robust and sustainable reduction in bilateral trade costs facing developing countries requires the presence of both promulgated and effectively functioning institutions such as regulatory power and the rule of law.     

China's foreign trade policy and world trade organization membership

This paper provides an overview of China's major economic reforms and how they impacted certain key domestic economic indicators such as income, production, employment, and prices. More importantly, the paper concentrates on China's foreign trade focusing on such issues as import and export policies, exchange rate controls, foreign investments, balance of payments, traded commodities, and major trading partners. China's chance of becoming a member of the World Trade Organization is also addressed.     

Reconciling the WTO Effects on Trade at the Extensive and Intensive Margins

Empirical studies examining the impact of World Trade Organization (WTO) membership have produced disparate results. These studies, however, have focused on total aggregate trade flows. In this paper, we utilize disaggregated product level data to examine the impact of WTO membership on the product level extensive and intensive margin of imports. Utilizing the Poisson Pseudo-Maximum Likelihood (PPML) estimation that allows for heteroskedasticity in trade data and accounting for several estimation issues, we do not find a positive impact on either margins between WTO member country-pairs. Once we examine asymmetries in trade flows across countries based on their level of development, we find that developing WTO members experience an increase in the extensive margin from industrial member countries. Additionally, the industrial WTO members also experience an increase in the extensive margin from developing WTO members. Results suggest that WTO facilitates the North–South trade relationship, which has been largely absent in trade literature.     

Free Trade Agreements and the Prospects for Regional Integration in East Asia

Trade policy in East Asia has switched from non-discriminatory unilateral liberalization, reinforced by General Agreements on Tariffs and Trade/World Trade Organization (GATT/WTO) commitments, to discriminatory free trade agreements (FTA). The paper surveys the FTA activity of the major regional players: China, the ASEAN countries, Japan, and South Korea. It concludes that emerging FTAs are weak and partial. A hub-and-spoke pattern of dirty FTAs will not drive regional economic integration or further integration with the global economy. Rather, it could be a force of regional economic disintegration – especially if the multilateral trading system weakens further. At the same time, FTA activity is distracting attention from the WTO, and, more fundamentally, from unilateral liberalization and domestic structural reforms. Hence, East Asian trade policies need to be rebalanced, with better-quality FTAs and more focus on the WTO. However, more important than the WTO and FTAs is a fresh spurt of unilateral liberalization and structural reform outside trade negotiations.     

Trade,Strategic Environmental Policy,and Global Pollution

This paper examines the effects of international trade in a model with global pollution that accumulates over time because of production emissions in each country. If countries cooperatively determine their environmental policies, autarky and free trade in the absence of trade costs generate the same optimal solution. By contrast, if environmental policies are determined noncooperatively, the effects of trade on global pollution and welfare are ambiguous because policy games can result in multiple equilibria. Although trade increases both the lower and upper bounds of the pollution stock, whether trade expands the range of possible steady‐state pollution levels is ambiguous. The analysis then extends to consider trade costs.     

Politics, the WTO and Trade Disputes: Evidence from US Cases

Do political variables play a significant role in trade disputes and does the World Trade Organization (WTO) ameliorate disputation? This paper uses US data to assess the role of the WTO and political variables in trade disputes. The data suggest that political factors are significant in the initiation of trade disputes and in their length of adjudication. The WTO disputes that require the formation of adjudication panels take fewer months to complete than under the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade system, but overall the WTO appears not to play a significant role in reducing the number of disputes or shortening their duration.     

Global Trade Liberalisation: Coordination and Coherence

Globalisation is a major issue in international debate. The demonstrations in Seattle in 1999 showed that there is a high level of public concern over the growth of world trade and the institutions, such as the International Monetary Fund, the World Bank and the World Trade Organisation (WTO), that have key roles in global trade and development. Much of the concern relates to developing countries and their place in the international economy. This article is an edited version of a paper presented by His Excellency Dr Supachai Panitchpakdi as the 2000 David Finch Lecture at the University of Melbourne on 5 July 2000. Dr Supachai is a key player in the development of the international economy and is the next Director General of the WTO. In his article, Dr Supachai addresses many of the concerns relating to globalisation and developing countries. He discusses the key issues facing the WTO and world trade in general, focusing on the need for both coordination and coherence in the development of international economic relations. In particular, he highlights the need for an inclusive approach to international trade liberalisation.     

Reducing Tariffs According to WTO Accession Rules: The Case of Vietnam

When Vietnam joined the World Trade Organization (WTO) in 2007 it was granted an accession period up to 2014. During this period tariffs would have to fall according to the accession agreement. This paper evaluates this 2007–2014 trade liberalization by building an applied general equilibrium model and calibrating it to the Vietnamese data. The model pays careful attention to the fact that Vietnam has many state‐owned enterprises. The model simulations show that the WTO tariff reductions will reduce overall welfare. Moreover, the biggest loss will take place among the poor rural households in Vietnam. This paper proposes other tariff reforms that will both raise overall welfare and reduce income inequality.     

Association of Southeast Asian Nations Economic Integration: Developments and Challenges

The Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) was formed in 1967 for geopolitical reasons, but faced with the competitive threat from the North American Free Trade Agreement and the European Single Market, it embarked in 1992 on the ASEAN Free Trade Area in goods, followed by liberalization of services trade and investment flows. A subsequent competitive threat from the rise of China and India led to the ASEAN Economic Community in 2003, targeted at creating a single market and production base and a competitive region with equitable economic development and integrated with the global economy. The ASEAN Economic Community is not quite a common market as it allows for only freer flows of capital and free flows of skilled labor. ASEAN's economic diversity led to difficulties with implementation and the need to narrow the development gap. ASEAN's dependence on global markets and investors led to the emphasis on open regionalism, support of the World Trade Organization, and free trade agreements with its major trade and investment partners.