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1.
双边投资协定是调整国际投资关系的最重要的国际法手段。中美两国作为世界主要的投资输入国和输出国,双边投资协定谈判意义重大。国际金融危机后,中美两国投资协定谈判立场逐步趋于一致,国民待遇和投资转移条款方面的分歧并不会构成谈判的重大障碍,在协定内容上具备达成双边投资协定谈判的条件,中美两国应当在谈判中保持灵活性,照顾彼此利益关切,尽快完成中美投资协定谈判。  相似文献   

2.
双边投资协定是调整国际投资关系的最重要的国际法手段。中美两国作为世界主要的投资输入国和输出国,双边投资协定谈判意义重大。国际金融危机后,中美两国投资协定谈判立场逐步趋于一致,国民待遇和投资转移条款方面的分歧并不会构成谈判的重大障碍,在协定内容上具备达成双边投资协定谈判的条件,中美两国应当在谈判中保持灵活性,照顾彼此利益关切,尽快完成中美投资协定谈判。  相似文献   

3.
在贸易自由化进程中,给予弱势产业适当保护是有必要的。11月10日,习近平主席与韩国总统朴槿惠共同宣布结束中韩自贸区实质性谈判。近日,朴槿惠表示,韩国政府考虑到了农民的担忧,在谈判中争取到了可保护韩国农业的最佳结果,尽量减少中韩自贸区可能给韩国农业造成的影响。她还表示,在与澳大利亚、加拿大就自贸协定谈判时,也会最大限度地反  相似文献   

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《时代经贸》2005,(9):16-16
中智自由贸易协定第四轮谈判9月12日至16日在智利首都圣地亚哥举行。谈判取得重大进展.达成多项共识。  相似文献   

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在商务活动中,德国客商在谈判中不仅讲效率,而且准备周详,他们瞧不起“临阵磨枪”,缺乏准备的对手,有时办事表现极为固执和自负,喜欢“一成不变”。 德国客商多习惯于正式谈判一开始,便废话少说,只谈正题。在谈判桌上,他们争强好胜,一旦他们提出了条件或者开了价,便不大容易与之讨价还价了。 在德国人看来,人际交往中的迟到、早退、不遵守约会、不遵守规章制度和法律,是一种可耻的行为。在谈判中他们很讲条理,并且有一个重信誉的特殊习  相似文献   

6.
刘烨 《经济研究导刊》2009,(29):180-181,199
乌拉圭回合谈判达成了WTO《农业协定》,标志着农产品贸易向自由和公平迈出了最重要的一步。然而,《农业协定》本身还存在着一些缺陷和不足,为了使其更加完善,WTO各成员又进行了多轮多哈回合谈判,重点解决农业问题。2008年7月的部长级会议又一次谈判破裂,致使多哈回合农业谈判进程更加困难。对我国农业发展来说,《农业协定》既是机遇又是挑战。  相似文献   

7.
随着全球环境问题的影响范围逐渐扩张,国际社会开始关注全球环境变迁,目前各种国际环境议题开始通过协商与谈判,制订国际公约加以规范以达成环境治理目标。而WTO以贸易自由化为主要目标,它与多边环境协定之间的竞合关系成为值得深入探讨的议题。文章通过分析WTO的环保立场、WTO有关多边环境协定的谈判内容及多哈回合谈判暂停对WTO贸易与环境谈判的影响阐述WTO与多边环境保护协定的关系。  相似文献   

8.
德国企业的集体谈判制度于安义通过集体谈判订立集体合同,是实行市场经济国家的通行做法。德国是实行这一制度的较早国家,也是推行集体谈判制度较好的国家,因此,德国的劳资关系相对比较融洽,社会比较安定,经济发展也比较迅速。一、德国集体谈判制度概况集体谈判最早...  相似文献   

9.
国外工资集体谈判制度已形成三大模式:即自主多元的分散化谈判模式、平等共决的集中化谈判模式与政府主导的多层级谈判模式。在不同谈判模式中,美国、日本、德国、瑞典以及澳大利亚的工资集体谈判制度最具代表性。这些国家因谈判环境、谈判主体、谈判层次、谈判进程以及谈判结果不同而各具特色,深入分析这些国外典型国家的工资集体谈判制度,可以为我国工资集体谈判制度的完善提供有益的借鉴和启示。  相似文献   

10.
跨太平洋伙伴关系协定(TPP)以其迅猛发展之势成为亚太地区乃至整个世界的都密切关注的区域贸易协定。所以,首先回顾了TPP的产生背景和发展历程,然后在此基础上探讨了其对中国的影响,并得出了中国应积极应对并适时加入到TPP的谈判中来的意见。  相似文献   

11.
Health, Wealth, Fertility, Education, and Inequality   总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1  
The authors use a new cross-country dataset to estimate the strength of the links between different dimensions of social and economic development, including indicators of health, fertility, and education, as well as material wellbeing. This differs from previous studies in employing data for different income groups in each country in order to provide direct evidence on factors driving inequality, and in using a unique measure of material wellbeing that does not rely on PPP comparisons.  相似文献   

12.
In this survey, we discuss how intellectual property rights (IPR) protection in the South affects trade flows, foreign direct investment (FDI) flows, and technology transfers from the North to the South. We also discuss optimal IPR policies and their effect on innovation. Our discussion covers both theoretical studies and empirical evidence. This survey is both comprehensive and critical. It aims to give readers the current state of IPR and globalization literature. Some issues have been studied more thoroughly, whereas for others the surface has only been scratched upon. This survey gives readers a clearer picture of the literature and may help them find future research topics.  相似文献   

13.
This paper empirically investigates the role of trade, remittances, and institutions in economic development in a large sample of developing countries using recently developed instruments for all these variables. Both cross-country (over 30 years) and dynamic panel data (over 5-year periods) regressions of growth rates on instrumented trade, remittances, and institutions provide evidence of a significant impact of trade, institutions, and remittances on growth. While institutions foster growth, remittances hamper it. The effect of trade on growth is positive in cross-sectional regressions but ambiguous in dynamic panel data regressions. These results are indicative of a more important role for trade in explaining growth in the very long run compared with over shorter horizons.  相似文献   

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The debate about the Prebisch-Singer thesis has focused on primary commodities with some extensions to manufactures. We analyse trends in country terms-of-trade for goods and services rather than those for commodities according to the World Bank income classification. We find that the natural logarithm of the terms of trade for all groups except for the poorest has common unit roots, but none has individual unit roots. As low-income countries have no unit roots over-differencing is inefficient and biases significance levels in first differences against the fall in the terms of trade. For the low-income countries the terms of trade of goods and services are falling at a rate that is significantly negative without and with endogeneity treatment by system GMM. A comprehensive analysis of the effects of time dummies supports the result of falling terms of trade for low-income countries. When all coefficients are country-specific 50% of all low-income countries have falling terms of trade in a simultaneous equation estimation using the SUR method. Food and financial crisis have no effect on the number of countries with falling terms of trade, but (dis-)improve the terms of trade or the significance of the results for a very small number of countries.  相似文献   

19.
This study provides further evidence of the inflationary efects of the rates of growth of money supply, gross domestic product, efective exchange rate, and imported inflation for Egypt, Morocco, and Tunisia using quarterly data from 1964 to 1990. In addition, it examines the Granger causality between inflation and money supply as well as between inflation and the real exchange rate in the countries under consideration. Most of the results are consistent with extant theory and empirical evidence.  相似文献   

20.
Liberal critics often object to basic income (BI) on the grounds that it violates reciprocity and is biased toward those who choose voluntarily to opt out of work and thus violate the principle of liberal neutrality toward conceptions of the good life. In the first part of this paper I argue that liberal neutrality favors BI. Marxist critics of BI are less likely to accept liberal neutrality, but I argue in the second part that the argument for BI in the first part applies with equal force to Marxist objections that BI is unfairly exploitative of workers. Marxists are also less likely to accept current labor market trends, seeing socialism as affording more opportunity for guaranteeing everyone a right to decent work, and suspecting BI of making the unfair inequalities of capitalism a little more palatable while diverting attention from a more equitable socialist alternative. I argue that BI is not incompatible with socialism or Marxism, and should not be opposed to but rather combined with strategies for full employment.  相似文献   

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