哲学社会科学教育与创新精神及能力培养

知识经济时代的显著特征是综合国力竞争的时代,其核心是各民族国家创造力的竞争。江泽民同志指出“创新是一个民族进步的灵魂,是一个国家兴旺发达的不竭动力。创新的关键在人才,人才的成长靠教育”。作为理工科院校的人文社会科学课教师则更应该从培养学生的创新精神和创新思维为目的来进行教育改革。为此,笔者从哲学社会科学的界定及特点、内在联系及对培养学生创新精神及能力的整体作用等几个方面进行初步探讨。     

以学生为中心的高职英语教学初探

高职英语教学强调学生英语综合应用能力的培养,传统的“以教师为主体”的课堂教学不利于学生英语应用能力的培养.由此,本文探究了高职英语教学必须“以学生为中心”的原因,并对具体教学实践中如何实现“以学生为中心”提出了相应的应对措施.     

关于提高高职高专学生毕业设计实效性的研究

本文就高职高专一是强调“以就业为导向”;二是突出培养学生具备以“职业能力”为核心的综合能力进行研究,来探究适合于各自学校的毕业设计模式。     

创新教育与学生“问题意识”的培养

探讨了“问题意识”是实现教育创新的先导,培养学生的“问题意识”是深化教育改革的重要任务,提出了培养学生“问题意识”的主要途径。     

在体育教学中培养能力的研究

能力教育是当代世界经济与科技持续发展的要求，也是人类社会生活发展的要求，许多国家的教育改革都把重点放在培养学生的能力上，这是教育、体育教学发展的一个大趋势。     

高校创新型人才培养的探析

建设创新型国家必须培养大批创新型人才,而培养创新型人才的关键是教育,高等教育更应是创新型教育改革的突破口。我国高等教育近几年在国际交流中取得了很大发展,但阻碍学生创新的弊端也日益显现。因此,高校必须进行一系列教育改革,如何克服功利主义的观念,由“知识中心”转变为以“人”为中心,将教育内容由书本向社会扩展,把参与教育活动的师生双方都看作教育的主体,建立新的教育主体观。     

基于核心素养背景提升学生数学运算能力的方法讨论

不管是“双基”还是现行政策的“四基四能”要求下，学生练习数学题目都离不开数学计算，它贯穿了学生数学学习的整体生涯。近年来，随着核心素养的提出，数学运算能力也被强调为学生必备的一种能力，它不仅能体现学生的基础数学素养，还有助于学生形成严密的逻辑与思维能力，提升数学运算能力显得越发重要。中学阶段对学生运算能力的培养，要从教师、教法、思想能力、课业布置等各个方面进行探究和突破。     

计算机专业基础课课程思政教学改革研究

课程思政是新教育形势下的育人新思路,当前已经成为教育改革持续深化发展的方向和指引。在计算机等专业课程教学中有效融入思想政治的元素,能够在培养学生计算机专业能力的同时,提升学生的人文素养和道德素养。通过对计算机专业基础课课程思政教学改革的必要性、挖掘内容与实施路径进行探讨和分析,以期将计算机专业学生培养成为“德才兼备”的人才。     

“一带一路”背景下学生跨文化交际能力培养研究

在“一带一路”背景下培养学生跨文化交际能力可培养跨文化交际人才,有效提升课堂教学效率,促进学生职业发展。当前,学生跨文化交际能力培养存在学生缺乏思想认知、知识储备不足、缺乏有效实践、教师知识水平欠缺、中国传统文化缺失及小语种课程开设不足等问题。因此,高校应注重氛围营造,培养国际思维;拓宽学习渠道,强化线上传播;创建实践路径,提升交际能力;改革教师团队,引入外籍人才;坚定思想信念,强化民族意识;开设“一带一路”沿线国家相关的小语种选修课,以此来保证在“一带一路”背景下培养质优量足的跨文化交际人才。     

基于“学生视角”的高职营销专业职业素养培养现状研究

职业素养培养历来被国家高度重视,教育部要求把强化学生职业素养培养放在重要位置。文章通过问卷调查方式从学生的角度对全国营销专业职业素养培养现状进行了调研,结果发现：多数学生认为隐形职业素养比职业能力更重要;多数高职院校学生认为本校对职业素养培养的重视程度较高;“参加社会实践”“课堂思政”及“日常管理”被认为最有效培养途径;专门的职业素养教育或培训课程开设缺乏;师生对职业素养概念与效果界定截然不同;“教师榜样的力量”是提升学生素养最好的方式;面对“如何提升职业素养”问题,词频最高的是“实践”。     

财政分权的中国模式与OECD模式——分税制是财政集权吗

本文在完整的财政分权内涵上比较分析了1995—2009年中国与OECD国家的财政分权情况,结果发现,不管是收入还是支出,中国中央与地方政府的财政分权程度都远远高于发达国家,呈现出中国政治集权下的财政分权和OECD政治分权下的财政集权两种模式。中国的财政支出分权程度与经济增长和财政均等化存在显著的正向相关关系,而这在OECD国家是不显著的。在中国的财政分权结构中,结构偏向的经济性支出成为地方政府财政支出重点和经济增长的重要推动力量;扩张的预算外支出成为增加财政收入的重要途径。所谓“事权与财权匹配”问题的实质是公共职责不清晰和预算软约束的地方政府收支扩张的财政机会主义倾向。财政分权改革的后续深化方向是在明确规范化地方政府公共职责和硬化预算约束的基础上适度财政集权化。     

论新课改背景下地方高校师范生教学基本能力的培养——以吉首大学师范生为例

随着新一轮基础教育课程改革的不断深化,新课程改革不仅对在职教师提出高要求,而且使未来的教师面临着挑战。地方高校师范专业作为培养教师的摇篮,理应主动与新课改相对接,培养师范生具备适应新课改需要的教学基本能力。但是,地方高校在培养师范生教学基本能力上还存在着教育理论课程设置不合理,教育技能训练不到位,教育实践环节较薄弱等问题。究其原因既有师范生自身的因素,也有地方高校在人才培养机制方面等原因。因此,需要地方高校从完善教育理论课程设置,加强教育技能训练,重视教育实践环节这几方面着手改革,以促进师范生教学基本能力的培养。     

可雇佣技能生成机制与人才培养创新

大学生可雇佣技能是使大学生成功获得并胜任一定工作所必备的技能,包括以通识技能为基础的人际技能、国际化技能、应用技能、自我发展技能、随机应变技能和创新技能.提高大学生可雇佣技能是培养高素质应用性人才,促进我国大学生就业和解决人才瓶颈问题的关键.在深刻理解大学生可雇佣技能内涵和生成机制的基础上,高等教育要将人才培养目标进行清晰的定位,转变教育观念,以应用教育为导向,创新通识教育、专业实践和综合素质的集成课程体系和可雇佣人才培养模式.高校应通过引导式教育、校企合作订单式教育、中外合作国际化教育和创业教育等途径培养大学生可雇佣技能,从而使人才培养与人才需求相匹配,提高大学生的就业竞争力.     

人权的正当性追问

在人权的正当性问题上,先验式人权论证、经验式人权论证和康德关于"人是目的"的哲学判断,都不具有充分的说服力。论证人权的正当性需要另辟蹊径。由于人权是一个关系性概念,人权的正当性需要从人与人的关系、从人类社会共同体的角度来阐明。尊重和保障人权是维系社会共同体存续的需要。     

Can state language policies distort students’ demand for education?

We exploit a recent natural experiment in Ukraine’s school system to study how stricter requirements for proficiency in the state language affect linguistic minority students’ demand for education. The reform obligated linguistic minority students to take a standardized school exit test in Ukrainian, thus denying them access to translated versions of the test. We study the implications of this reform for students in schools with Hungarian and Romanian/Moldovan languages of instruction. Using school-level data and employing difference-in-difference estimation techniques, we find that the reform resulted in a decline in the number of subjects taken by minority students. They particularly withdrew from linguistically-demanding subjects such as History and Biology, taking more Math instead. Given the implications for minority students’ fields of future study, the reform may have affected their educational outcomes in a distortive way.     

The quality-access tradeoff in decentralizing public services: Evidence from education in the OECD and Spain

Decentralized delivery of public services should enhance constituents’ ability to hold politicians accountable and improve public service outcomes, according to theory. Yet, decentralization has not consistently yielded those improvements. This paper uses a novel cross-country panel from the OECD to show that decentralization generally improves students’ access to education, but in so doing, it creates congestion effects which diminish the overall quality of education that students receive. We argue that this is partially explained by the incentives of sub-central governments upon receiving their new authority. Sub-central governments are more incentivized than national ones to pursue policy improvements that are more visible and quicker to achieve, even when they are costly – like improving access – over improvements that are less visible and take longer to achieve – like increasing quality. Decentralization should therefore result in positive effects on education access and negative on quality, consistent with our findings. We directly test the impact of political incentives on responses to decentralization by exploiting the timing of education decentralization in Spain (1980–99), and variation in the political assertiveness of regional governments, using generalized difference-in-differences and synthetic controls. As predicted, the magnitude of decentralization's effects is greater for assertive regions, which are most incentivized to prioritize high visibility, costly policies.     

Competition Among Italian Junior‐Secondary Schools: A Variance‐Decomposition Empirical Analysis

The public economic theory emphasizes the potential role of competition in fostering the performance of educational systems. The rationale for pro‐competitive policies in education (i.e. vouchers, charter schools, tax deductions) is that schools can improve their quality responding to ‘pressures’ from nearby competitors. The objective of this paper is to analyze the potential relationship between (i) competition among schools and (ii) students’ achievement in Italy. While previous studies used OECD‐Pisa data for this purpose, here a new dataset about Italian schools has been employed: about 19,000 students in 150 schools constitute the sample. The reference framework is the idea that the presence of more schools in a certain area, and/or the proportion of students enrolled in private schools, should raise the performance of schools operating in that area through a ‘competition effect’. A multilevel strategy, which allows separating between‐areas variance in achievement scores, is employed. The findings support the view that competition has an impact, albeit little, on students’ achievement, and such competitive pressure is due to the number of schools, no matter if public or private.     

Budgeting for efficiency? A case study of the public K-12 education systems of Canada

In spite of the declining and uneven performance of Canadian students on the OECD’s Programme for International Student Assessment (PISA) tests, little attention has been paid to whether provinces are allocating their education budgets to improve academic performance. This study uses a two-stage data envelope analysis (DEA) technique to estimate the degree to which education expenditures are efficiently allocated relative to achievement scores. We find that in these terms the overall cost-efficiency of the public K-12 education systems in the 10 provinces has deteriorated and that, in general, the provinces have become less able to allocate resources efficiently and use them in the most technically productive way. However, some provinces are more efficient than others. To gauge the extent to which performance measures, such as PISA scores, factor into budgeting decisions we interviewed 28 budget managers in 10 Canadian provinces and two territories, probing the criteria used to allocate education resources. The preponderant pattern of budgeting is described as an ‘increments-based-on-formula’ approach, one that is not particularly responsive to efficiency concerns but that often takes account of equity imperatives.     

The China-OECD trade divide: building bridges

ABSTRACT

Today’s largest trade frictions stem from differences between China and the OECD regarding the appropriate role of government. There are two types of differences. The first are legitimate attitudinal differences towards industrial policy (the use of subsidies), competition policy (the use of forced industry consolidation), and innovation policy (weak protections of intellectual property). China and the OECD will have to reach an accommodation on these differences if the end game is a rules-based trading system. Accommodation is possible, but unfortunately, both the US and China are adopting bullying tactics that diminish the effectiveness of the WTO and threaten the current rules-based system. The second class of differences is political and reflects China’s intentional lack of policy transparency and its generosity towards favoured firms. These differences will never be WTO compliant and China must either reform or give up its access to OECD markets.     

The Political Economics of Tax Reform in Chile

This paper explores the political economy at the time of the 2012 tax reform, which paved the way for a radical tax increase in 2014. Both were an explicit response to demands to improve public education. As opposed to the 2014 reform, the 2012 tax adjustment was an unplanned decision made in the wake of a pact of long-term fiscal stability during the government's last year in office and was partially negotiated with student associations and pressure groups. We hypothesise that the existing institutions were not strong enough to meet emerging social demands through formal channels. We will show evidence for the hypothesis that the government's incorporation of students’ demands in its agenda was mainly a response to the role of the media, the fact that it is not difficult for students to organise themselves and express their demands, the support of students’ families and the ruling government's fear of missing out on a second term in office.