论对华特保条款

对华特保条款（即《中国入世议定书》第16条）所规定的特别保障措施本质上是一种选择性的保障措施,容易被世贸组织成员方滥用。本文通过对该条款实施条件、特有的相关问题的探讨以及其与《保障措施协定》的比较分析,对该条款进行评述,并提出法律层面的应对策略。     

国外对我国出口产品实施特别保障措施情况及依据

近两年来,我国遭受国外贸易保障措施立案调查的案件不断增多,尤其是特别保障措施的立案迅速增多。文章从国外对我国出口产品实施特别保障措施情况入手,提出国外对我国出口产品实施特别保障措施的法律依据是《中国入世议定书》。我国相关方面注意《中国入世议定书》的规定,正确的理解并运用针对中国的特别保障措施条款,对保障我国的经济利益,是异常重要的。     

贸易救济措施及相关政策法规讲座第五讲：我国贸易救济措施作用日益显现

2001年12月,我国正式成为世界贸易组织（WTO）的成员,开始加快融入多边贸易体制和国际经济秩序的进程。同年,根据WTO《反倾销协议》、《反补贴协议》和《保障措施协议》,我国制定并颁布实施了《反倾销条例》、《反补贴条例》和《保障措施条例》,建立起了严格意义上的WTO框架下的贸易救济制度。此后,随着我国对外贸易的蓬勃发展、国内产业维权意识的逐渐加强以及对WTO相关规则的探索学习．我国贸易救济措施的实践经验不断积累,对贸易救济措施的运用日益娴熟,贸易救济制度的积极作用被逐渐释放。     

中美轮胎"特保"案的经济学分析

金融危机背景下中美之间的轮胎"特保"案,不仅牵动着中美经贸往来的神经,也可能诱发其他行业甚至是其他国家的大举仿效,必将为金融危机下世界经济的复苏蒙上阴影,通过对"特保"案的背景进行回顾的基础上,运用国际经济学的相关模型对美国实施特殊保障措施,征收高额关税对中美双方的生产者、消费者、政府得益进行了详尽的分析,得出美国特保措施的"双输结果"以及负面影响,最后在结论中指出美国实施特保措施的真实意图以及中国可以采取的措施.     

警惕贸易保护主义泛滥

贸易保护主义抬头 近期一些国家出台了形形色色的贸易保护措施，主要分为两类：一是滥用WTO规则允许的贸易救济措施，主要是指反倾销、反补贴、保障措施、特殊保障措施；二是使用传统的关税和非关税壁垒，如有的国家提高了进口关税，采取禁止或者限制进口、技术性贸易壁垒等。     

警惕贸易保护主义泛滥

贸易保护主义抬头 近期一些国家出台了形形色色的贸易保护措施，主要分为两类：一是滥用WTO规则允许的贸易救济措施，主要是指反倾销、反补贴、保障措施、特殊保障措施；二是使用传统的关税和非关税壁垒，如有的国家提高了进口关税，采取禁止或者限制进口、技术性贸易壁垒等。     

中国保障措施制度的发展对策研究

随着保障措施被世界各国越来越频繁的运用，中国与保障措施”打交道”越来越多，发展并完善中国的保障措施制度也成为一项十分紧迫的任务。本文从保障措施立法、国内产业、具体规定、前提条件等方面提出了完善中国保障措施制度的对策，从而促进中国保障措施制度的发展。     

六措施保障群众住有所居

河北省人民政府1月18日出台的《关于解决城市低收入群众住房问题的实施意见》提出,采取六项措施保障城市低收入群众住有所居。 一是编制城市住房保障规划和年度计划。《意见》要求各市要根据城市低收入家庭住房状况调查结果,建立低收入家庭住房状况档案,为住房保障的有效实施提供依据。     

试论WTO服务贸易紧急保障措施的必要性

WTO成员就服务贸易紧急保障措施问题的谈判已长达十多年，至今仍未达成共识，其中服务贸易是否需要紧急保障措施就是各方争议的焦点之一。大多数发展中国家成员认为不需要，持反对态度，大多数发展中国家成员则持赞成态度。本文认为WTO服务贸易紧急保障措施是必要的。并从多个方面进行了论述。最后，对我国在服务贸易紧急保障措施谈判中应坚持的立场提出了一些建议。     

城镇化建设资金保障机制的要素框架与完善措施

有效的城镇化建设资金保障机制,涵盖保障范围、来源渠道、投入结构、政策目标以及制度安排等要素,目前我国城镇化建设资金保障机制还不够健全,原因在于银行层面的惜贷行为、政府层面的财政公共化程度低、市场层面的社会资金准入受限等,有必要采取相应的措施加以完善,如创建新型开发性银行、提高"财权"与"事权"匹配度、厘清政府与市场边界以及加强政府信用建设等。     

Economic Impacts of the Possible China–US Trade War

This article uses a multi-country global general equilibrium (GE) model to numerically simulate the effects of possible China–US trade wars. We introduce an endogenous trade imbalance structure with trade cost into the model which helps to explore both tariff and non-tariff trade war effects. Our simulation results show that China will be significantly hurt by the China–US trade war, but negative impacts are affordable. The US can gain under unilateral sanction measures to China, but will lose if China takes retaliation measures. Comparing the effects under mutual trade war, China will lose more than the US. Introducing non-tariff barrier trade wars will intensify the negative effects, and comparatively negative effects to China are larger than to the US. Mexico’s involvement in trade war with the US will strengthen the negative effects and comparatively hurt the US more. Under non-cooperative and cooperative Nash bargaining equilibrium, the US can gain more than China in trade war negotiation, which means the US has stronger bargaining power than China. Additionally, trade wars between China and the US will hurt most countries and the world especially in GDP and manufacturing employment, but benefit their welfare and trade.     

Balance of Payments and Related Issues in the Uruguay Round of Trade Negotiations

Little attention has been paid to the balance of payments provisionsof the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade (GATT), despitethe fact that they directly influence the trade policies ofthe developing countries. This article suggests that there isa need to reconsider these provisions in the context of theongoing Uruguay Round of multilateral trade negotiations. Thearticle traces the historical evolution of GATT practices ontrade restrictions for balance of payments purposes. With thegeneral introduction of more flexible exchange rate arrangements,the original rationale for temporary barriers to safeguard acountry's external financial position appears to have lost itsforce. Recent theoretical and empirical work has demonstratedthat neutral or export promoting trade strategies are more effectivefor development than the import substitution frequently advocatedby economists in the 1950s and 1960s. The current debt problemsof developing countries strengthen the argument for a relativelyopen trade and payments regime to attain balance of paymentsviability. The article suggests that stronger internationaldiscipline over trade restrictions for balance of payments purposeswould contribute to and presuppose other necessary improvementsin the multilateral trading system which are already on theagenda of the Uruguay Round.     

现阶段我国企业频遭知识产权壁垒的原因及对策

近年来,知识产权壁垒成为继传统两反一保后的一种全新的贸易壁垒形式。近一段时间以来,我国企业出口频遭知识产权壁垒,进出口贸易受到严重影响。本文着力探寻知识产权壁垒频繁发生的原因,并在此基础上提出相应的对策建议。     

Has NAFTA Increased Labor Market Integration between the United States and Mexico?

This article analyzes three criteria for labor market integrationbetween Mexico and the United States before and since the NorthAmerican Free Trade Agreement: the responsiveness of Mexicanwages to US wage shocks, the speed at which relative wages returnto a long-run differential, and changes in the rate of convergenceof absolute wages. Tests for increased integration using thesethree criteria generate mixed results, which are then exploredby directly incorporating trade, foreign direct investment (FDI),and migration. The results suggest that trade and FDI did infact positively contribute to integration but that the increasein border enforcement depressed Mexican wages, masking the positivebenefits.     

Tracking NAFTA's Shadow 10 Years on: Introduction to the Symposium

The North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA) is arguablythe first "case study" of what might be expected from the increasingnumber of preferential trade agreements involving both developedand developing economies. Ten years after the treaty’sinception, it is time to assess how its outcomes compare withinitial expectations. The articles in this symposium issue provideinsights into the effects of NAFTA on economic geography, trade,wages and migration, and foreign investment from Mexico’sperspective. The contributions paint a complex post-NAFTA realitycharacterized by persistent intrabloc trade barriers, interregionalinequality within Mexico, labor market outcomes that seem closelytied to migration patterns and international trade and investment,and foreign investment flows that appear weakly related to tradeagreements. NAFTA seems to be the first trade agreement in historyfor which the traditional static trade creation or diversioneffects are likely negligible—and hard to identify inany case.     

Does Mercosur's Trade Performance Raise Concerns about the Effects of Regional Trade Arrangements?

This study employs a new methodological approach that measuresproduction efficiency in changing trade patterns. It shows thatthe most rapidly growing products in Mercosur's intratrade generallyare goods in which members do not have a comparative advantageand have not been able to export competitively to outside markets.This is consistent with substantial trade diversion within thearrangement. Mercosur's discriminatory tariffs against nonmembers,which are four to six times higher than those in arrangementssuch as the European Union, European Free Trade Area, or NorthAmerican Free Trade Agreement, are likely the cause. Recentfurther increases in Mercosur's tariffs against nonmembers arelikely to exacerbate the magnitude of trade diversion.     

Product market competition and the value of corporate cash: Evidence from trade liberalization

This paper uses the 1989 Canada–U.S. Free Trade Agreement as a source of exogenous variation in product markets to establish the impact of increased competition on the market valuation of corporate cash reserves. I find that the trade liberalization leads to a significant increase in the value of cash for firms experiencing a larger shock to their competitive environment. The impact of the trade liberalization is stronger among firms that face greater risk of losing investment opportunities to rivals. I also show that these inferences about the valuation effect of competition apply more broadly to a large sample of firms.     

Disciplining domestic regulation: the World Trade Organization and the market for professional services

This paper presents an institutional analysis of the processes underlying the globalization of professional service and labor markets. Focusing on the accountancy sector, the research documents the ongoing efforts by non-market institutions, including transnational accounting firms and industry lobbies in Europe and the US, to create a global market for accounting and auditing services under the auspices of the World Trade Organization (WTO). The research shows how international trade agreements, specifically the General Agreement on Trade in Services (GATS) and the Disciplines on Domestic Regulation in the Accountancy Sector, are being used to eliminate domestic regulations that industry views as barriers to trade and investment, such as diverse national and sub-national licensing and qualification requirements, regulations limiting scope of practice and forms of business organization, and non-harmonized technical standards. The paper discusses the implications of theses trends for the future of domestic regulation and democratic forms of economic governance.     

Die Öffnung der Versicherungsmärkte bei OECD,EU und WTO — Mühsamer Abschied vom Finanzmarktprotektionismus der Bretton Woods Periode

The liberalization of international insurance trade has been pursued since 1948 by the OEEC, the EEC, the GATT and its successor organizations the OECD, the EU and the WTO. Modern multilateral trade policy was however not as successful for international insurance trade as it was for international merchandise trade. Significant progress was not made until the 1990s with the EU’s Single Market program. Likewise, negotiations currently being conducted by the WTO on the General Agreement on Trade in Services (GATS) have so far not led to any noticeable progress in the international insurance markets. Furthermore, the GATS framework agreement shows weaknesses that are characteristic of the liberalisation efforts of the immediate post-war years.     

GATT Safeguards and Voluntary Export Restraints: What Are the Interests of Developing Countries?

Exports from developing countries are frequently the targetsof trade protection to offset injury to domestic producers.A safeguard clause of the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade(GATT), Article XIX, authorizes such protection, but voluntaryexport restraints (VERS), which are not authorized or controlledby the GATT, are often used in its place. A call for a "comprehensiveagreement on safeguards" was one outcome of the 1986 Punta delEste ministerial meeting. The spread of VERS is often taken to be a threat to the interestsof developing countries. The costs of VERS to developing countryexporters may have been overestimated, however, and as a consequence,developing countries may be at risk of conceding too much, perhapsin terms of a relaxation of the conditions of application ofArticle XIX, in an attempt to ban or directly control VERS.The central issue is the extent to which VERS are adopted toavoid invocation of Article XIX. If so, there is no valid casefor developing countries to pay anything for a ban on VERS.A better course for them would be to press for more rigor inGATT articles used as threat, which would enhance their bargainingposition in setting the conditions for VERS.