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“碎化”与整合:大都市区管治理论演进探讨 总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1
政治"碎化"是大都市区发展面临的棘手问题.根据看待大都市区政治"碎化"的态度及其解决方案,文章将大都市区管治理论演进轨迹划分为三次"潮流":主张建立大都市政府的传统区域主义、主张多中心管治结构的"公共选择"学派和主张网络化地方合作的新区域主义,进而分别阐述不同理论"潮流"的核心思想及其应用. 相似文献
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A. Panagariya 《Japan and the World Economy》1997,9(4):471-489
This paper refutes the validity of the ‘natural trading partners’ hypothesis according to which a preferential trading agreement (PTA) is more likely to benefit its members, (1) the more they trade with each other prior to the agreement and (2) the more proximate they are. The paper shows that a high-tariff country such as Mexico loses from a PTA with a low-tariff country such as the United States. More importantly, in a complete reversal of the first natural trading-partners hypothesis, the larger the initial level of that country's imports from the partner, the more it loses from the PTA. The paper also provides an entirely plausible example in which, ceteris paribus, the gains to a country from participating in a PTA are less and losses more the more proximate the union partner. 相似文献
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Emanuel Ornelas 《Journal of International Economics》2008,74(1):202-224
Recent research shows that the GATT/WTO negotiating rules are capable of delivering a politically efficient equilibrium. Such an equilibrium is, however, economically inefficient. Global free trade, in particular, is unattainable even in a fully cooperative world, if governments have political motivations. In such a context, we show that regional trade agreements can help move the world towards a welfare-superior equilibrium. The reason is that, when members of regional trade agreements lower trade barriers against one another, they tend to reduce their multilateral tariffs as well. Once we account for these endogenous changes—and only then—we find that regionalism can raise world welfare even in a fully cooperative (but political) world. Regional integration can, however, harm outsiders. 相似文献
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Rodney D. Ludema 《Journal of International Economics》2002,56(2):329-358
This paper uses a model of horizontal multinational enterprises to explore the relationship between transportation costs and trade policy cooperation. Tariffs have the effect of attracting foreign direct investment to the benefit of consumers in the host country. As transport costs fall, the incentive to impose tariffs falls and the benefits to cooperation rise. Thus, in a repeated game in which cooperation is limited by a self-enforcement constraint, a reduction in transport costs facilitates free trade. This logic is applied to a three-country model to examine preferential trade agreements. It is found that if any country is too distant from the others, then global free trade is not attainable. Rather, if two of the countries are within a critical distance of each other and distant from the third country, then the unique outcome is an exclusive free trade agreement between the two adjacent countries. Thus, the model predicts a strong regional bias in preferential trade agreements. 相似文献
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Pía Riggirozzi 《New Political Economy》2017,22(6):661-675
Regional organisations are moving away from traditional market-based goals to embrace issues of welfare, yet the role they play in social policy formation, and their contribution to the embedding of alternative approaches to development, is poorly understood. This article explores whether and how the Union of South American Nations (UNASUR) and the Southern African Development Community (SADC) advance pro-poor norms and policies in national and global governance. Whilst not coherent citizenship-centred projects of regionalism, SADC and UNASUR have developed institutional competences to address the health–poverty nexus, though their policy development practices and methods take quite different forms. Theoretically, the paper develops a framework addressing three key claims: (i) poverty and welfare need to be brought in to the study of regional governance; (ii) the agency of Southern regional organisations in the generation and diffusion of norms needs to be taken more seriously in the literature and in practice; and (iii) context matters for whether and how regional organisations provide normative leadership; act as brokers in a (re)distributive way; or as advocacy actors in a political way, enabling claims at different levels of governance. 相似文献
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《Journal of Transnational Management》2013,18(2):47-72
SUMMARY In this paper we raise questions regarding the appropriateness of the traditional gravity model for evaluating the existence of trade creation and trade diversion in the context of regional trade arrangements. We demonstrate that existing methods fail to separate multilateral and allocation effects, and are therefore unable to say anything useful about either. Further, we point out that omitted variables-perennially unobservables-further contribute to the contamination of the results. Bearing these criticisms in mind, we provide a new methodology for assessing the effect of preferential trading arrangements on the trade volumes, and hence, the welfare of member and non-member countries. We offer a test that separates these effects, and employ it in an assessment of the EC. We find that the allocation effects of the EC caused 5 of its 11 members to divert trade toward bloc members, and 2 of its members to divert trade away from the EC. We also find that the EC increased multilateral trade for both members and non-members. 相似文献
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Wilson M 《International journal of urban and regional research》2010,34(4):925-940
Dubai's ecologic and economic complications are exacerbated by six years of accelerated expansion, a fixed top-down approach to urbanism and the construction of iconic single-phase mega-projects. With recent construction delays, project cancellations and growing landscape issues, Dubai's tower typologies have been unresponsive to changing environmental, socio-cultural and economic patterns (BBC, 2009; Gillet, 2009; Lewis, 2009). In this essay, a theory of "Big Regionalism" guides an argument for an economically and ecologically linked tower typology called the Condenser. This phased "box-to-tower" typology is part of a greater Landscape Urbanist strategy called Vertical Landscraping. Within this strategy, the Condenser's role is to densify the city, facilitating the creation of ecologic voids that order the urban region. Delineating "Big Regional" principles, the Condenser provides a time-based, global-local urban growth approach that weaves Bigness into a series of urban-regional, economic and ecological relationships, builds upon the environmental performance of the city's regional architecture and planning, promotes a continuity of Dubai's urban history, and responds to its landscape issues while condensing development. These speculations permit consideration of the overlooked opportunities embedded within Dubai's mega-projects and their long-term impact on the urban morphology. 相似文献
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The European Union has reached a deeper level of market integration than any other region. In many ways its success parallels the integration of national-level markets, particularly in the broadly similar continental project of the United States. This paper asks whether the EU and US cases hold any lessons for the pursuit of market integration in East Asia, and reaches two positive conclusions. First, the two Atlantic continental markets display a common content of institutions and policies that helped generate broad legitimacy for market integration. Secondly, while there is wide debate over the historical mechanisms that produced successful “embedded” market integration in the EU and the US, several of these mechanisms may be reproducible in East Asia. 相似文献
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Eric W. Bond Raymond G. Riezman Constantinos Syropoulos 《Journal of International Economics》2004,64(1):1-27
We construct a three-country model to determine how the formation of free trade areas (FTAs) affects optimal tariffs and welfare. We find that, at constant rest of the world (ROW) tariffs, the adoption of internal free trade induces union members to reduce their external tariffs below the Kemp-Wan [J. Int. Econom. 6 (1976) 95-97] level, and causes ROW's terms of trade to improve and its welfare to rise. When ROW also behaves optimally, its policy response to the formation of the FTA is to raise tariffs. Generally, FTA members prefer to liberalize internal trade partially and find regional integration appealing only if their collective size is sufficiently large. We also demonstrate how FTAs may undermine the attainment of global free trade. 相似文献