Comments on the Institutionalist View of Reaganomics

Gender inequality is caused by numerous factors, among which one may find traditional division of labor, family, religion and many other institutions. The state also influences a position of women in society and economy. Nowadays most western states seem to engage in the promotion of equal status of men and women. The European Union (EU) is known for its policy of gender mainstreaming that has been implemented in member states. The EU, however, promotes a neoliberal approach in the economy that seems to be in contradiction to the promotion of gender equality.

In Poland, tendencies to liberate, privatize and deregulate are warmly welcomed as cures for economic underdevelopment. Gender equality, on the other hand, has been challenged as a relic of the former political system. In this paper, the author attempts to answer the question whether macroeconomic policy promoted by the EU influences the status of women in Poland.     

The politics of preserving gender inequality: de-institutionalisation and re-privatisation

ABSTRACT

A backlash against gender equality is a core component of the contemporary tilt away from liberal democracy in some contexts. The backlash has been enabled by two developments that can de-institutionalise women’s rights. First, the privatisation associated with neoliberalism, and the austerity imposed by financial crises, have hollowed-out public provision of social services. The loss or erosion of public social protection systems reinforces the demand for unpaid care work, imposing a partial re-privatisation of women in their mothering roles. Second, security and immigration crises have inflamed nationalist right-wing populist movements that make the de-institutionalisationof liberal equality protections – including attacks on women’s rights provisions – a core signifier of anti-establishment credentials. The result is a stagnation at the global level since 2016 in the rate at which the gender gap is closing. Today, the active construction of inequality by gender – and its contestation – are more explicit features of national and global politics than ever before.     

THE POLITICS OF AESTHETICS IN VOLUNTEER TOURISM

In this paper I address the “politics of aesthetics” in volunteer tourism. By “aesthetics,” I mean two things. First, I adopt Jacques Ranciere’s notion of aesthetics as the structured way human sense is organized. I argue that volunteer tourism perpetuates an aesthetic structure that systematically depoliticizes the global economic inequality on which the experience is based. Second, drawing on recent scholarship in critical tourism studies as well as 16 months of ethnographic research in Chiang Mai, Thailand, I illustrate how volunteer tourists aestheticize the host community members’ poverty as authentic and cultural. This reframing contributes to the legitimization of volunteer tourism as a celebrated cultural practice that perpetuates the aestheticization rather than the politicization of poverty in the encounter.     

Neoliberal Entrenchment of North Atlantic Capital. From Corporate Self-Regulation to State Capture

After the financial crisis of 2007–8, neoliberal capitalism by all appearances has entrenched instead of being displaced. Its political–economic programme or ‘comprehensive concept of control’ continues to hold society in thrall. This was different in the crisis of 1974–5 when the corporate liberalism of the postwar years and its industry-centred class compromise were beginning to be replaced by finance-led neoliberalism and a compromise with asset-owning middle classes. Under corporate liberalism, real capital accumulation was protected from the ‘rentier’/‘money-dealing’ fraction of capital associated with speculative investment; neoliberalism has allowed its resurgence. Large corporations in the first phase of the transition (‘systemic neoliberalism’) embarked on a strategy of transnational restructuring no longer dependent on 1960s-style state support. In the process, financial group formation, here measured by dense director interlocks (≥2) amongst the largest corporations in the North Atlantic economy (where this type of corporate governance obtains), was intensified. The resurgence of money-dealing capital and rentier incomes in the 1990s led to a decline in real accumulation (‘predatory neoliberalism’), and after the crisis of 2007–8, to a demise of the financial group structure of Atlantic capital as the network of dense interlocks radically thins out and capital comes to rely on states again, this time to protect it from a democratic correction of the neoliberal regime and with state autonomy greatly reduced by public debt.     

新制度经济学的本质及其对中国经济改革的影响评析

文章在联系当前世界经济危机产生引起对新自由主义经济学反思的背景下,通过分析作为新自由主义代表的新制度经济学的演进、理论体系的伪科学性及其与此次世界金融危机的关系,对我国目前经济体制改革中照搬西方新制度经济学理论、主张全面私有化的思维提出批评。     

Resisting agrarian neoliberalism and authoritarianism: Struggles towards a progressive rural future in Mozambique

After nearly two and a half decades with a Land Law widely considered progressive, Mozambique is preparing to revise its legal framework for land. Land activists accuse the government of pursuing an authoritarian approach, excluding civil society participation, and falsifying public consultations. The revision would mark a major shift in Mozambique's land policy towards an even more neoliberal framework to allow the transfer of individual land titles. This turning point is a crucial moment for popular movements to mobilize against the consolidation of agrarian neoliberalism and fight for pro-poor land policy that benefits small-scale food producers and rural communities at large. While recognizing different rural and agrarian class formations and interests in Mozambique, I argue that embryonic forms of a cross-class alliance are becoming apparent. As deagrarianization proceeds, the National Union of Peasants (UNAC) plays a key role in mobilizing the rural poor — petty commodity producers, farm workers, fishermen, small agrarian capitalists, and agrarian civil society at large — using left-wing populism to oppose agrarian neoliberalism, which takes authoritarian forms.     

Corruption as Infrastructure: Rendering the New Saigon Global

Corruption is regularly treated as a barrier to infrastructure, development and growth. However, in Saigon, corruption itself has become an infrastructure in Vietnam's late-socialist urban transformation. This infrastructure facilitates not only growth in the form of transnational investment, property speculation and construction, but allows for different kinds of planning and development practice as well. Perceptions about corruption in Vietnam, and in Saigon specifically, shape market and planning practices that structure the terms on which interested parties from abroad and internally speculate upon and ultimately develop urban projects. This is not a static formulation of corruption. Rather, corruption and the various political and policy responses to it constantly shape how brokers, developers and financiers renegotiate how the city becomes a knowable object for investment, legible to the calculations of both risk and reward used by global investors as well as to those who enact the embedded bureaucratic, legal and political practices that create Saigon's built environment. In this article I argue that different definitions and policy responses to corruption in effect create variable ways of seeing the city (as well as modes of being seen) that have an impact on the material realities of the metropolis—the types of connections produced with transnational finance, the legal and regulatory structure under which urbanization unfolds, and the types of players, firms and officials involved.     

实践社会科学：理论与方法

我们对待所有现有理论的基本态度,是把它们当作问题而不是答案。相对千变万化的实际而言,理论只可能是片面的或局部的,不可能是普适的,只可能是随真实世界的演变而相应变化,不可能是给定的永恒真理。学术可以,也应该借助不同流派的现有理论来协助我们认识实际,来推进我们对实际的概括,但绝对不应该像高度科学主义化的主流西方理论那样用来表达虚构的普世规律,或对真实世界实际片面化和理想化。真正求真的学术是根据精准的经验研究,通过对现有理论的取舍、对话、改造和推进,来建立带有经验界限的、行之有效的、更符合经验实际的概括,再返回到经验/实践世界中去检验。如此的学术,探索的应该是由求真和崇高的道德价值动机出发的问题,不该局限于如今流行的比较庸俗和工具主义/功利主义的研究方法或其所谓的问题意识。这才是这里提倡的前瞻性的实践社会科学研究的实质含义。     

Different Manifestations of the Concept of Empowerment: The Politics of Urban Renewal in the United States and the United Kingdom

Over the course of the 1990s the concept of empowerment became firmly established within the vocabulary of urban politics in several different national contexts. This article analyzes the spread of this concept by looking at the politics of urban renewal in the United States and the United Kingdom. It shows that even if (and possibly because) the definition of empowerment remained vague, the turn to empowerment came out of and contributed to a shift in the nature of urban politics and to a reconfiguration of governmental methods, the role of the state and, consequently, to changes in civil society, all of which were associated with a rise to prominence of a neoliberal perspective.     

The Regime of Informality in Neoliberal Times in Turkey: The Case of the Kadifekale Urban Transformation Project

Juxtaposing the empirical findings of a qualitative research study of an urban transformation project in the Kadifekale squatter district of Izmir with the changed nature of urban politics in a neoliberal context, this article aims to trace the manifestations of the regime of informality in Turkey. Ethnographic consideration of the motives behind these projects, the way they have been carried out and their consequences for the lives of the inhabitants points to an extended space for informal politics tactically manoeuvred by state officials of various ranks. Particularly during the last two decades, neoliberal urban policies have triggered an intensification of power discrepancies in both the vertical and horizontal dimensions and a fragmentation of community structure in the localities — mainly along socioeconomic divides. This research reveals a transition from positive/passive to negative/active uses of informality in the disposition of the state towards the urban poor when the fast and efficient conduct of urban transformation projects is in question. The characteristics of the locality as a landslide zone, the already fragmented socioeconomic structure in the neighbourhood and the dense presence of Kurdish immigrants facilitate the putting into practice of informal strategies. The immigrants who cannot define a place for themselves in the simultaneously formal and informal context of the project have been seriously disadvantaged.