FOOD NEEDS AND ABSOLUTE POVERTY IN URBAN SOUTH AMERICA

The minimum cost of an adequate diet, following food preferences, is estimated for families in ten South American cities in five countries, allowing for household composition by age and sex. The ratio of actual expenditure on food and beverages to this normative expenditure is then used to rank families in six classes, of which the bottom two correspond to absolute poverty, or to actual expenditure less than the estimated minimum. Three questions can then be explored: which families appear to be poor, on this measure? how do such families allocate their spending toward other items such as housing? and, does this indicator of poverty classify families in much the same way as other proposed measures? The results suggest some under-reporting of food spending in the poorest class, but otherwise the ratio of reported to normative spending gives good results, free from the errors in other parts of the budget and the arbitrariness of indicators which depend on socially-defined rather than physiological “needs.” Poor families tend to be large, with many children; to have many dependents per income recipient; to have male working members other than the head; to suffer unemployment of members other than the head; to have relatively low levels of schooling; and to show high density in housing. Even quite poor households spend appreciable amounts on housing and on education, while not satisfying all food needs; both kinds of spending increase rapidly as food requirements are met. There are no consistent relations between poverty and type of employment or the share of income attributed to the head. The data refer to 1966–69 and are highly comparable; all monetary estimates are in dollars of equal purchasing power.     

THE STRUCTURE OF HOUSEHOLD SPENDING IN SOUTH AMERICAN CITIES: INDEXES OF DISSIMILARITY AND CAUSES OF INTER-CITY DIFFERENCES

Household budget data collected in 1966–1971 in eleven cities in six South American countries are used to define individual mean budget structures (means of budget shares across households). These structures are then compared by indexes of dissimilarity, calculated for the entire budget and also for major components: food, animal protein foods, nonfood, and housing and clothing. Differences among cities in real income account for much of the difference in the share of the consumer budget devoted to food, which in turn is a principal source of overall budget dissimilarity. Within the food and nonfood budgets separately, income is of somewhat less importance; prices and preferences become more significant. Budget structures tend for this reason to be similar for cities in the same country. The structure of nonfood spending also varies markedly between coastal and interior cities, largely because of differences in housing costs. The available price data account for dissimilarities which depend on the price of a single large category of spending, but they do not help explain structural differences involving many categories: prices seem more important for nonfood than for food expenditures. Regression analysis is used to weigh the importance of each variable contributing to dissimilarity.     

An exploratory study on part-time MBA program choice factors and characteristics of part-time MBA students

The majority of master of business administration (MBA) students are presently enrolled in part-time programs, yet little is known about their preferences, perspectives, and program selection processes. To fill this gap, the authors address three issues related to part-time MBA programs. First, they review important MBA program choice factors in the literature. Second, based on results of a survey with current MBA students, they identify the following as choice factors for part-time MBA programs: overall value/cost, location convenience, flexibility, and program quality. Third, the authors offer implications for part-time MBA programs that are related to employer reimbursement programs and program flexibility.     

The oil price increase and the alleviation of poverty: Income distribution in Caracas,Venezuela, in 1966 and 1975

Two Caracas household budget surveys are used to compare household and individual income distributions. Real 1975 incomes are derived from income-specific price indexes. Minimum food budgets define destitution and poverty levels. During 1966–1975 mean real income rose substantially, especially among the rich. The fraction poor declined markedly, but mean income did not rise for those remaining poor. The poor's share of income growth came entirely from reduction in the number of poor, and exceeded their 1966 income share. The poverty gap expanded with population growth but shrank in per capita terms and relative to total income.     

Feeding Latin America's children.

More than US $1.6 billion is spent annually on 104 programs in 19 Latin American and Caribbean countries to subsidize or provide food for people supposedly at risk of malnutrition. This amount constitutes only 0.2% of these countries gross national product. If there is no double-counting, these programs reach more than 80 million people, or 21% of the population, at a cost of $20/beneficiary or $4 per capita. Yet some 10 million children are malnourished, which suggests that the expenditures are poorly directed or ineffective. There is little hard evidence that these programs are preventing much malnutrition; even curative results are seldom measured. THe effort is too small in some countries with great needs, while other countries have nearly eliminated malnutrition. Where coverage is high, programs--although generally targeted and with sensible criteria--do not always reach the neediest. They may also fail to provide enough food or to combine food with the health care and nutritional education necessary to attack all 3 root causes of malnutrition: poverty, disease, and ignorance. The evidence, limited mostly to program inputs rather than results, suggests that greater progress against undernourishment is possible even with current spending levels.     

FINDING THE POOR

As a basis for judging how public policy affects the poor, this article explores how "poor" families may be defined and how well such families can be distinguished from other families in the less developed countries. This is done by seeking proxies for poverty which are relatively easy to measure, accurate in discriminating between the poor and the non-poor, and relevant to public policy. To this end, a highly parsimonious model is developed, based on truncation and regression procedures, using only family size and number of wage earners in addition to either income or an education-age combination. Application of this model to data from household surveys in three major cities of Latin America shows that the model is highly effective in pinpointing poverty households, although the pattern of errors is not random, the most frequent type of error being to classify poverty households as non-poor.
Especially significant is that the model is nearly as effective for discriminating poverty households from others when financial variables are excluded as when they are included. This would suggest that a good deal of flexibility exists in deciding what variables to include in future studies of this type. The results also suggest that even better results should be possible if more complete information is obtained on the employment status of the different members of the household and on the contribution of each to household income. Ideally, the data collection and model development should proceed in an iterative manner since there are numerous possible variables as well as alternative model formulations.