我国区域经济合作与发展的制度经济学分析

当前,我国区域经济发展的两个突出特点是,产业结构以制造业为主,经济体制存在大量的行政干预。几大发达经济区域的崛起归因于制造业的弱制度依赖性。未来提升区域经济竞争力的关键是成功实现产业升级,尤其是发展高水平的服务业。由于服务业对制度有很强的依赖性,因此,制度安排是否有效能够决定区域经济未来的发展水平。在当前的区域经济发展时代,有效的政府干预能够强制地使区域之间相互融合的市场机制得以建立,为未来政府行政手段的退出奠定基础。服务业的发展对区域经济合作的制度效率有着较高的要求和期待,这就要求最初依靠政府协商建立起来的经济合作机制必须能够保证建立一套完善的、适应服务业发展要求的市场机制。     

大气污染协同治理的理论机制与经验证据

在全面深化改革的关键时期，处理好地方政府之间长期存在的重竞争、轻合作的问题，是推进国家治理体系和治理能力现代化的重要工作。理论分析表明，中央政府自上而下对地方政府的合作行为进行持续的协调，并确保协作结果对各个地方政府可见，有助于推动地方政府从“各自为战”走向“合作共赢”。本文利用2014年“长三角区域大气污染防治协作机制”这一准自然实验，检验中央政府协调长三角地区进行大气污染协同治理的效果，发现自该政策执行以来，地方政府对秸秆焚烧、机动车和企业污染排放等污染源头进行了实质性的治理整顿，使得长三角区域内的空气质量持续改善，尤其在省际边界地区取得明显的治污效果。研究结果表明，即使是空气污染这样具有高传输性和显著负外部性的治理难题，也能在中央的制度创新和技术赋能下得到有效解决，这为更大范围、更多领域的区域协同治理提供了可借鉴经验。     

区域城市"经营-管治"契合分析及其一体化制度安排

中国的区域经济已经进入单体城市点状拉动向区域城市组合联动切换的阶段．应不失时机地由单体城市各自为战的扩张式经营转向区域城市做强做优的协同式经营。区域城市经营属于区域经济一体化的发展层面，注重的是城市资源的存量盘活、增量拓展；区域城市管治则是其制度层面，注重的是城市建设秩序的理顺和合作机制的完善。这是本世纪驱动中国区域经济不可或缺的两个相辅相成的方面。本文认为，时下中国。尝试建立网络化的区域城市“经营-管治”契合体制的条件已经成熟，并提出从合作框架、协调机制设计和公众参与管治三个方面着手区域城市的一体化制度安排。     

区域经济发展新趋势：跨区域合作

已经付诸实施的“十一五”规划中一个最突出的特点,就是打破省级行政区划的界限,首次提出区域规划的概念。随着规划在实践中的展开,我国正由省份经济向区域经济转变,区域经济一体化将迅猛发展。就目前看,区域经济合作形式主要体现在行政区相连或相近的两个或多个独立经济单元之间的合作,如“泛珠三角合作”、“长三角合作”、“环渤海经济圈合作”等。作为这一重要战略思路的延伸,近两年来,各省区也开始从大区域、大产业的角度出发,跳出传统行政区经济的思维模式,进行区域空间形态的整合,其特点就是点线布局、带状思维。例如,安徽省把皖江产…     

国有企业的人员分流与债务转换问题初探

在国有企业民面临的多重困难中,有两个难题显得十分突出。一个是“人”的问题,主要是在职职工的下岗失业问题;另一个是“债”的问题。主要是指国有企业的过度负债。解决“人”的问题,要创造就业岗位,分流安置与再就业,加强救 济方面的财政投入,建立和完善社会保障制度;解决“债”的问题,最根本的是要建立现代企业制度,同时实验国有企业从竞争性行业中退出以及化解银行不良债权所形成贩风险,发展资本市场即是一个可行的方     

发展农村专业经济组织推动县域经济发展提速--对湖北省老河口、宜都等地的调查与建议

如何解决“小农户”和“大市场”的矛盾,是县域经济发展中必须解决的难题。湖北省老河口市和宜都市（以下简称两市）通过大力发展农村专业经济协会．提高了农民组织化程度．找到了解决“市场化与小农经济的矛盾”的有效办法,创新了农村经济体制,转变了农业增长方式,破解了农业产业化及县域推进工业化难题．增强了县域竞争力,奠定了农村工业化和城镇化的基础．为搬动县城经济加速发展提供了新思路。但是,尚存在一些亟待解决的实际问题。一是对农村专业合作经济组织的认识不够深刻。二是农村专业合作经济组织的法律地位不够明确。三是农村专业合作经济组织的微观机制不够健全。四是对农村专业合作经济组织的培育支持不够有力。     

我国东西部区域经济合作的发展阶段及其特征

我国东西部区域经济合作经历了指令型、过渡型、市场型三个发展阶段，体现了国家的区域经济发展思想和明显的制度变迁特征。政府主导、以追求公平为主的东西部区域经济合作效率不高；市场主导、以追求效率为主的东西部区域经济合作进展缓慢，西部地区的能力和能力结构具有决定性影响。改善西部地区能力结构是提高东西部区域经济合作效率、建立合作新机制的基础。     

“民工荒”问题的破解基于新兴古典经济学视角的分析

自2004年中国东南沿海出现劳动力短缺后,“民工荒”问题已经成为中国经济发展过程中阻碍经济增长的一个难题,同时“民工荒”问题也成为学术界研究的一个热点问题,一方面“民工荒”有逐年加大的趋势,另一方面中国的经济却又能保持持续的高速增长。对于这一问题的解释,传统的观点认为,农民工数量的绝对减少是导致“民工荒”产生的原因,即解决“民工荒”难题的方法是建立在新古典经济学基础之上的,这就导致了“民工荒”难题是无解的,即人口红利和中国的计划生育政策是不相容的。而如果从新兴古典经济学视角出发,将“民工荒”难题看成是古典经济学的“两难冲突”,即劳动力稀缺程度本身不是固定的,则可以通过劳动分工来提高生产力,从而达到减少稀缺资源（劳动力）稀缺的程度,进而破解“民工荒”带来的难题,较好地解释“民工荒”和经济增长之间的关系。     

从"10+3"看东亚区域经济合作的方式

东亚区域合作面临许多难题，贯穿“东盟方式”的“10 3”合作是东亚目前的主导形式，但这一合作的诸多缺憾使东亚区域合作很难沿这一方向深入下去。2002年初，小泉纯一郎在新加坡描述了一个称为“东亚共同体”的设想，实际是鼓吹以双边自由贸易协定网而非区域经济一体化的方式来实现东亚的区域合作。的确，双边自由贸易协定网的方式不但符合东盟强调自立的合作原则，也迎合了外部特别是美国在这一地区的利益，易为各方接受，却从根本上堵住了东亚通往更具机制化合作的道路。笔者认为东亚区域合作的必然选择是大国协调为基础的区域经济一体化，这虽然需要一个艰难的调整过程，但却是在全球化条件下保障东亚各国利益的惟一选择。     

地缘政治视角中的"泛珠三角"区域合作

泛珠三角、长江三角洲与环渤海湾——中国的这三驾区域经济合作的“马车”日益显示其作为中国经济增长的引擎的作用，也表明中国在经济全球化和区域经济一体化这种世界经济发展趋势下提出了中国自己的经济发展模式。“泛珠三角”经济区域包括粤、桂、琼、滇、贵、川、湘、赣、闽9个省区和香港、澳门两个特别行政区，简称“9＋2”。“泛珠三角”又称为“大华南地区”或“南中国”经济区域，是中国区域合作的又一个重大突破。     

区域环保合作制度创新的路径选择:武汉城市圈环保合作研究

首先,对区域环保合作理论和区域环境共同治理理论进行了文献综述,并在此基础上构建了环保合作的制度创新分析框架;其次,结合武汉城市圈环保共同合作的案例,分析了武汉城市圈环保体制机制方面的现实问题;然后,在相关理论和分析框架下从不同层面、不同合作形式和不同合作主体等多方位,对武汉城市圈环保合作的组织构建和制度创新作了深入思考,为城市圈环保合作提供了理论依据和基本架构。     

Transborder Regional Alliances in Europe: Chances for Ethnic Euroregions?

This contribution deals with obstacles to development of ethnic transborder regional alliances in Europe. It includes some theoretical considerations as well as case studies of three European border zones with so-called ‘interface minorities’. These are the Belgian–German border zone, the Basque Country and the former Habsburg Kronland of Tyrol. From a perspective that European integration and regionalism are phenomena related to state decline, the dynamics of transborder regional alliances or ‘euroregions’ can be considered to take place relatively independent of the confines and institutional structures of the states. However, critical evaluations of the phenomena of regionalism indicate that we should be careful not to assume that regional actors in a border zone with interface minorities are self-evidently inclined and able to create an ethnic euroregion. Instead, it is more realistic to assume a more complex situation with a heterogeneous field of actors and constraining conditions emanating from the structural and social institutionalisation of the states. In all cases the different positions of regional populations in the different state contexts have brought about asymmetries in the complex of elements that constitute ethnoregional dynamics. The cases seem to confirm that the principle obstacles to the formation of ethnic euroregions are related with institutional differences between the states and heterogeneity of actors.     

多中心治理视角下的长株潭区域合作治理

区域合作治理是长株潭一体化的重要基础。文章主要从多中心治理的角度论述了长株潭区域合作治理结构的四个要素,讨论了必要性和可能性,在此基础上,提出了要实现长株潭区域合作治理的路径依赖:体制转换和机制创新。     

Multilateral Organisations and the Limits to International Energy Cooperation

Surging world energy prices, increasing oil market volatility and a nascent ‘energy transition’ are posing major challenges for global energy governance. In response, there has been a proliferation in the number of multilateral bodies addressing energy issues in recent years, and a wide range of organisations now claim a role in facilitating intergovernmental energy cooperation. However, the practical achievements of these organisations have been very poor, with all suffering difficulties that have limited their ability to promote shared energy interests between states. This article examines the dynamics of multilateral energy organisations, arguing that the political economy features of energy – securitisation and attendant patterns of economic nationalism – explain why they have failed to develop more robust cooperative mechanisms. Ten global-level organisations are evaluated and found to suffer from membership, design or commitment issues that limit their effectiveness in global energy governance. These challenges are linked to the securitisation of energy, which has led governments to favour low-cost soft-law approaches over potentially more effective hard-law institutional designs. Moreover, the securitisation of energy poses limits for how far multilateral energy cooperation can proceed and means that contemporary efforts to strengthen these organisations are unlikely to succeed in coming years.     

新区域主义视野下的中国区域治理:问题与反思

随着区域经济一体化的发展,区域公共问题的大量涌现,日益呼唤区域内地方政府间开展一系列双边或多边协调与合作为基本内容的区域合作。研究发现,我国区域治理不完全,区域内多元利益相关者在治理主体结构中缺位或虚位。通过新区域主义视角的评估,显示我国的区域治理实际上是缺乏治理的地方政府间合作。要促进区域经济一体化水平的提高,应该适时推动区域政府管理走向区域治理。     

关于区域软实力的研究

从区域合作的本质上看,区域合作不仅仅是追求经济的发展,也是为了建设＂一个‘好的治理’体系,这个体系应该具备合法性、透明性、责任性、法治、回应的基本要素。＂这＂五个基本要素＂为完善有关区域合作的研究指出了一个基本方向。本文研究的是如何构建、提升区域软实力以促使区域合作更为健康、持久的进行。具体而言,就是研究通过文化、社会政策及其工具、价值观等非物质要素的构建,不断增强区域合作公信力、社会凝聚力、特色文化的感召力、人才资源的创造力,充分发挥其对社会经济运作系统的协调、扩张和倍增效应,从而提高区域竞争力。本文的基本论点是构建区域软实力可使区域合作持久的进行,促进区域内社会经济均衡协调发展,提升区域认同感和区域内居民的福祉。     

区域经济合作中的利益分享与补偿机制

随着竞争的加剧,区域经济合作越来越成为我国地方政府获取竞争优势、促进地区经济发展的重要力量。然而,区域经济合作利益分享与补偿机制的缺失,直接影响到我国区域经济合作与一体化进程。利益分享与补偿机制作为不同地方政府在区域经济合作过程中平衡、协调各方利益的制度安排,是突破现有制度瓶颈、促进区域经济合作的有效途径。     

Regional Integration and Welfare: Framing and Advocating Pro-Poor Norms through Southern Regionalisms

Regional organisations are moving away from traditional market-based goals to embrace issues of welfare, yet the role they play in social policy formation, and their contribution to the embedding of alternative approaches to development, is poorly understood. This article explores whether and how the Union of South American Nations (UNASUR) and the Southern African Development Community (SADC) advance pro-poor norms and policies in national and global governance. Whilst not coherent citizenship-centred projects of regionalism, SADC and UNASUR have developed institutional competences to address the health–poverty nexus, though their policy development practices and methods take quite different forms. Theoretically, the paper develops a framework addressing three key claims: (i) poverty and welfare need to be brought in to the study of regional governance; (ii) the agency of Southern regional organisations in the generation and diffusion of norms needs to be taken more seriously in the literature and in practice; and (iii) context matters for whether and how regional organisations provide normative leadership; act as brokers in a (re)distributive way; or as advocacy actors in a political way, enabling claims at different levels of governance.     

Polycentricity, reciprocity, and farmer adoption of conservation practices under community-based governance

Significant steps have occurred under Australia's ‘regional delivery model’ towards devolving responsibilities for natural resource management (NRM) to community-based regional bodies, particularly in respect of motivating farmers to adopt priority conservation practices. Challenges remain in effectively engaging the large populations covered by these bodies, especially with these bodies expected to assume responsibilities that risk them becoming perceived as extensions of government and favoring particular stakeholders. In this article, I examine whether polycentric systems of collaborative community-based governance can help address these challenges. The examination involves double-censored regression analyses of data from postal surveys of farmers in three regions. The findings suggest that community-based approaches are capable under the regional delivery model of motivating greater voluntary cooperation from farmers than otherwise possible. They highlight the importance of farmers coming to adopt reciprocity strategies in their key institutional relationships under this model. It seems subregional bodies have an advantage over regional bodies in motivating such behavior from farmers because the former are better positioned to engage them sufficiently to turn around norms of free-riding or opposition entrenched by earlier paternalistic approaches to agri-environmental conservation. This indicates the value of a polycentric approach to community-based NRM wherein responsibilities are devolved to the lowest possible governance level consistent with the principle of subsidiarity. The economic dividend from increased voluntary adoption of conservation practices under this approach arises from the reduced transaction, political and other opportunity costs of achieving the same result entirely through coercion or financial inducements.     

International and Regional Cooperation: Asia's Role and Responsibilities

Asia has emerged from the global financial crisis as an important stabilizing force and an engine of global economic growth. The establishment of the G-20 gives Asian economies the global forum that they need to both represent their interests in global governance and deliver on responsibilities concomitant with their growing weight in the global economy. The region has a host of cooperation arrangements in APEC, ASEAN+3, and EAS (East Asian Summit), all with ASEAN as the fulcrum. They are huge assets, but they need to be repositioned to relate effectively to the G-20 process and other global arrangements. They also need to comprehend the politics of the changing structure of regional power. This paper discusses the challenges that Asia faces in aligning regional and global objectives in financial, trade, and other areas of cooperation, such as climate change and foreign investment. It argues that Asia is now a critical player in the global system and has a central contribution to make in strengthening global governance and international policy outcomes. The paper sets out ways to fill gaps in regional cooperation and link the agenda for regional cooperation more effectively to Asia's new role globally. This is essential to sustain Asia's superior growth performance, correct imbalances, and support the global economic system.