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1.
一把插向心脏的刀--论意识形态批判之(不)可能   总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1  
吴冠军 《开放时代》2006,1(2):39-66
这篇论文旨在处理这样一个被思想史尘封的问题:今天,意识形态是否可能?通过论述了重新复兴古典哲学的方案,施特劳斯向当代哲人——更广泛的意义上,知识分子——提供了一个系统性的解决方案,来应对在今天的所谓的“后意识形态时代”中的霸权性意识形态(自由主义)。这篇论文批判性地分析了这一施特劳斯主义方案,并揭示了其理论的内核:犬儒主义。通过重新审视哲学史,这篇论文突出了一个以苏格拉底、康德、拉康为代表的“离奇的”传统,这个传统以一个构成性的空无/缺失/不可能性为核心。根据本论文,这一哲学是在后9·11时代,意识形态批判之唯一的(不)可能的实践。  相似文献   

2.
Skill differences between parent and host countries are considered a key variable for distinguishing horizontal and vertical motivations within aggregate foreign direct investment (FDI). This paper tests the robustness of the skill difference term in the knowledge‐capital model for FDI in a sample of Organisation for Economic Co‐operation and Development (OECD) countries. The evidence in this paper indicates that skill differences per se do not properly explain FDI: the skill level of the host country is also important. This paper argues that both horizontal and vertical FDI may increase in the skill level of the host. It follows that the distinction between vertical and horizontal motivations for FDI with respect to skills is less straightforward than generally assumed in the literature.  相似文献   

3.
The Israeli state apparatus mandates differentiated IDs to Palestinian citizens of Israel, Palestinian non-citizens in East Jerusalem, Palestinians in the West Bank and Gaza. The bureaucracy of Palestinian ID cards since 1948 has rendered Palestinians more legible for the security interests of Israel while simultaneously discriminating Palestinians from Jews as unequal citizens and non-citizens. The ID card regime, and less so the permit regime, limits Palestinian geographic movement and economic mobility while simultaneously permitting freer Jewish-Israeli flows and mobilities. ID cards demonstrate the power of the Israeli regime to produce distinct people and bind them to specific territories (such as the Palestinians), while allowing others (Jewish-Israelis) to ‘trespass’ over those same boundaries. Through ID cards borders are erected between Jewish and Arab people, not Israeli and Palestinian territory. The ID card regime puts into question the nature and territorial boundaries of ‘Israel’, and the geopolitical existence of the ‘Palestinian Territories.’  相似文献   

4.
This paper aims to develop a generally applicable model to examine the eventual motivations both for internal migration and external immigration. For this reason our model involves not only economic motivations of development and geographical economics but also social motivations of behavior economics. We tested the model through Turkish internal and external population flows toward German regions. Our analysis contains the first regional‐level immigration analysis between an EU country (Germany) and Turkey. The main results are: (i) the purely economic motivations are more important than the social motivations; (ii) among the economic motivations income level and economic size of host regions are the biggest ones; and (iii) and the network externalities play a more important role than the herd effect. Subsequently, we estimated some country‐specific factors on im/migration. The main results are: (i) joining to the Customs Union led to acceleration in intern migration but slowing‐down in external immigration; (ii) even though Turkey acts slowly in adopting EU reforms, the EU reform process seems to reduce the economic and social stress on Turkish im/migration; and (iii) the reunification of Germany created a constraint on Turkish immigration flows toward German regions.  相似文献   

5.
An emerging consensus among scholars and policy‐makers identifies foreign capital inflows as one of the primary determinants of banking crises in developed countries. We challenge this view by arguing that external imbalances are destabilizing only when banks face substantial competition from securities markets in the process of financial intermediation. We assemble a dataset of banking crises covering the advanced industrialized countries from 1976 to 2011 and find evidence of a conditional relationship between capital inflows, a well‐developed securities market, and the incidence of banking crises. We further explore the impact of capital inflows on banks’ actual risk taking as indicated by their capital adequacy levels and measures of insolvency risk. Our results demonstrate that prudential capital cushions tend to decline with the combination of capital inflows and prominent securities markets. We highlight the political decisions—often made during the early days of a country's financial development—that determine the relative prominence of banks vs. non‐bank financial institutions and conclude with policy recommendations.  相似文献   

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