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1.
    
This paper investigates the effect of the revolution that occurred in January 2011 in Egypt on the demand for redistribution in that country, which has drastically increased since that period. This shock has been an important event, enhancing freedom and the political structure. In a first step, taking into account the main determinants of preferences for redistribution in the literature, our results differ, showing a positive impact of religion and a negative impact of altruistic attitudes. In a second step, we rely on a diff-in-diff approach to estimate the effect of the revolution, using three similar countries as a control group. We find that Egyptians became much more favorable to redistribution after the Arab Spring. Moreover, the revolution effect is stronger for the poorest people and those who are interested in politics.  相似文献   

2.
This paper updates and extends my earlier work on how the middle class fares throughout the world based on the microdata sets that comprise the Luxembourg Income Study (LIS). Wave #6 LIS data, recently released and centered around 2004, provides an opportunity to assess what has happened to the size of the middle class around the world in the early 2000s. In contrast to the 1980s and 1990s, there was no noticeable decline in the middle class during the early 2000s. The paper provides further evidence that the size of the middle class in each nation depends mainly on government tax and spending policies. In particular, it shows the key role played by family allowances and paid family leave in supporting a national middle class.  相似文献   

3.
What determines the relative strength of central and regional governments? Why do centers engage in more or less geographically based economic redistribution? And why do some centers redistribute from urban to rural areas while others do the opposite? This research answers these questions with reference to decentralized politics at key constitutional moments. Much contemporary research underscores the importance of the intergovernmental balance of power – be it in taxing authority or decision making autonomy – on economic outcomes. Many features of that balance are rooted in bargains struck at the time of constitution writing. Here, I suggest that the key ingredients in such bargains are the number of conflicting geographically salient factor endowments, the distribution of inter-regional inequality, and the degree of intra-state inequality within rural and urban regions. The greater the level of factoral conflict, the more elites who engage in constitutional negotiations are likely to constrain the central government by providing for substantial regional veto authority. Higher levels of inter-regional inequality heighten demands for inter-regional redistribution. Given some level of regional demand for central redistribution, whether its net effect is in favor of urban or rural regions will depend on the coalitional implications of inequality within regions. I examine the argument in light of the U.S., Argentine, and Indian processes of constitution formation.  相似文献   

4.
This paper argues thatthe interaction between inequality and the demand patterns forgoods is a potential source of persistent inequality. Incomedistribution, in the presence of non-homothetic preferences,affects the demand for goods and, due to differences in factorintensities across sectors, it alters the return to factors ofproduction and the initial distribution of income. Low inequalityleads to high demand for medium skilled intensive goods, providinga bridge over which low skill dynasties may transition to thehigh-skilled sector in the long run. Under high inequality however,the initial lack of demand for medium skilled labor breachesthis bridge from poverty to prosperity and inequality persists.  相似文献   

5.
税收的公平功能是我国社会各界所关注的热点。我国以间接税为主、直接税为辅的税制结构使得整体税制表现出累退性,进一步扩大了居民收入差距。个人所得税公平功能的缺失以及各税种具体设计上的不足也是我国税制累退的重要原因。1994年以来,我国整体税制的公平功能虽呈改善趋势,但程度并不明显。为增强税制公平功能,建议降低增值税税率,扩大消费税征收范围,强化个税征管,改革个税征收模式,并提高直接税在税制中的地位。  相似文献   

6.
  总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1  
This article explores the empirical application of theoretical multidimensional welfare distribution analysis techniques to real household welfare distributions. The article operationalizes recent conceptual developments in multidimensional distribution theory and assesses their usefulness for the measurement of multidimensional household inequality. The results strongly highlight the importance of bringing nonmonetary aspects of household welfare into the forefront of inequality analysis. Agreement over the various approaches to the measurement of multidimensional inequality entails, however, nontrivial decisions that may limit the practical usefulness of these measures. We suggest that the use of multidimensional inequality ranges and the application of restrictive dominance criteria to multidimensional welfare distributions may open significant scope for further developments in the empirical analysis of multidimensional inequality.  相似文献   

7.
    
Abstract

A variant of John Roemer’s accumulation economy is studied in which agents have identical payoff functions characterized by decreasing marginal impatience (DMI), such that time discount rates are decreasing in individual wealth levels. The implications of DMI for the existence and persistence of positive rates of profit and exploitation in the presence of capital accumulation, as well as for the dynamic redistribution of wealth, are derived. It is demonstrated that with DMI, differential ownership of productive assets is sufficient to ensure ongoing capital scarcity, and thus persistently positive rates of return and exploitation, as well as eventual redistribution of productive assets to the wealthiest agents.  相似文献   

8.
    
It is a long-standing puzzle whether or not changes in economic inequality lead to changes in redistribution. However, there has been a lack of conclusive evidence about this relationship. Moreover, redistributive preferences as an intervening factor between inequality and redistribution, which are taken for granted implicitly or explicitly in redistribution theories, have been largely overlooked in the existing analyses. Besides, recent comparative studies of inequality and redistribution have started paying attention to inequality perceptions that deviate from actual inequality. Thus, this inquiry aims to reconstruct the classical redistribution theory by employing perceived inequality and preferences for redistribution and to test the reformulated redistribution hypotheses. One of the most challenging efforts for the analysis is to develop a country-level measure of perceived inequality. To this end, the Gini coefficient of perceived social position (perceived Gini) was first created by using data from 16 rounds of the International Social Survey Programme (ISSP 1987 to 2014), covering 34 OECD countries. The empirical results show robust evidence that perceived inequality, not actual inequality, is significantly associated with redistributive preferences, while preferences for redistribution do not translate into any type of redistribution.  相似文献   

9.
Book Reviews     
Books reviewed:
Grzegorz W., Kolodko, Post-Communist Transition: The Thorny Road
Andrzej, Kozminski and George, Yip, Strategies for Central and Eastern Europe
Vojmir, Franicevic and Milica, Uvalic, Equality, Participation, Transition Essays in Honour of Branko Horvat
Jan, Adam, Social Cost of Transformation to a Market Economy in Post-Socialist Countries; The Cases of Poland, the Czech Republic and Hungary
Irwin, Collier; Herwig, Roggemann; Oliver, Scholz and Horst, Tomann, Welfare States in Transition: East and West  相似文献   

10.
    
This article investigates whether income inequality leads to political polarization and provides new evidence that an increase in the Gini coefficient at the local level increases the probability of supporting a political party at the extreme left and right of the ideological distribution. Using individual data for 25 European countries from 2002 to 2014, I find that increasing inequality leads on average to more support for left‐wing parties. I also find that increasing inequality leads to more support for far‐right parties among older individuals. Support for far‐right parties seems to be driven by rising anti‐immigrant sentiments. The results are robust to different specifications, including an instrumental variable that addresses the endogeneity of income inequality.  相似文献   

11.
This paper presents a simple model of distribution dynamics, in which the distributions of wealth, education and political power are circularly endogenous. Different levels of education translate into different income and wealth levels. Political power may (or may not) vary with wealth, and in turn affects decisions on the level of public expenditure on education. Since the market for education credit is imperfect, some people might need to rely on public schooling, the quality of which depends on those expenditure levels. As a result, educational opportunities differ along the wealth distribution. The dynamic system displays multiple equilibria, some of which are characterized by a vicious circle of interaction between educational, wealth and political inequalities. These particular equilibria, which are more unequal, are also shown to be inefficient in terms of aggregate output levels. Switching equilibria may be achieved through redistribution of political power.
JEL classification: D31, D63.  相似文献   

12.
Income Inequality and Economic Growth: Evidence from American Data   总被引:2,自引:0,他引:2  
While most cross-country studies find a negative relationship between income inequality and economic growth, studies that use panel data suggest the presence of a positive relationship between inequality and growth. This paper uses a cross-state panel for the United States to assess the relationship between inequality and growth. Using both standard fixed effects and GMM estimations, this paper does not find evidence of a positive relationship between inequality and growth but finds some evidence in support of a negative relationship between inequality and growth. The paper, however, shows that the relationship between inequality and growth is not robust and that small differences in the method used to measure inequality can result in large differences in the estimated relationship between inequality and growth.  相似文献   

13.
    
The aim of this article is to contribute to our understanding of the role that political institutions play in the reform processes of national corporate governance regimes. I argue that existing theories are limited in that they conceive of political institutions' impact on corporate governance largely in terms of a deterministic influence on the political coalitions that emerge and on the policy outcomes. Based on the analysis of the paradigmatic case of a consensual democracy – Switzerland – I show that the consensual polity does not directly determine the outcome of a reform process, but rather the direction of causality between legal changes and changes in practices as well as the nature of the changes. Consensual polities require large parliamentary majorities for legal change to happen. Therefore, corporate practices are likely to change before legal rules and less demanding forms of institutional change, such as ‘layering’, are favoured.  相似文献   

14.
    
Dörte Heger 《Applied economics》2018,50(26):2844-2859
People in Canada and the United States often make claims regarding whose country has a better health system. Several researchers have attempted to address this question by analysing subjective health measures in the two countries, thus assuming a common definition of ‘good’ health. Using data from the Joint Canada/US Survey of Health, which provides rich and comparable health information for the two countries, I generate two quasi-objective health indices and show that Canadians and Americans define ‘good’ health differently. After controlling for cross-country reporting heterogeneity, health differences between Americans and Canadians are eliminated for intermediate health statuses, while health differences at the tails of the health distribution lead to slightly better average population health in Canada. With respect to health inequality, my results show that income and education gradients increase steeply with poor health in both countries. Hence, considering differences along the health distribution is crucial when assessing population health or health inequality.  相似文献   

15.
    
Homoploutia describes the situation in which the same people are rich in the space of capital and labor income. We combine survey and administrative data to document the evolution of homoploutia in the United States since 1950. In 1950, 10 percent of top decile capital-income earners were also in the top decile of labor income. Today, this indicator is 30 percent. This makes the traditional division to capitalists and laborers less relevant today. We find that the increase in homoploutia accounts for 20 percent of the increase in interpersonal income inequality since 1986.  相似文献   

16.
Decomposition of bivariate inequality indices by attributes   总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1  
We provide, for the class of relative bidimensional inequality indices, a decomposition of inequality into two univariate Atkinson–Kolm–Sen indices and a third statistic which depends on the joint distribution of resources.  相似文献   

17.
    
In recent decades income inequality has increased in many developed countries but the role of tax and transfer reforms is often poorly understood. We propose a new method allowing for the decomposition of historical changes in income distribution and redistribution measures into: (i) the immediate effect of tax‐transfer policy reforms in the absence of behavioral responses; (ii) the effect of labor supply responses induced by these reforms; and (iii) a third component allowing us to explore the effect of changes in the distribution of a wide range of determinants, including the effect of employment changes not induced by policy reforms. The application of the decomposition to Australia reveals that the direct effect of tax‐transfer policy reforms accounts for half of the observed increase in income inequality between 1999 and 2008, while the increased dispersion of wages and capital incomes also played an important role.  相似文献   

18.
19.
Spontaneous (non)emergence of property rights   总被引:3,自引:0,他引:3  
The paper analyses preferences of private owners over the degree of property rights protection. It is shown that inequality in resource ownership and/or relative inefficiency of production technologies could make wealthier agents favour less than full protection of property rights. If such agents control the choice of a property rights regime, fully secured property rights will not emerge from the grassroots. This conclusion is consistent with the failure to create an efficient property rights system in Russia.  相似文献   

20.
Significant differences exist in actual and preferred work hours by race. Specifically, black males work 20 percent fewer annual hours than white males. The differences between black and white women are small. Black workers are significantly more likely than white workers to prefer additional work and fewer are satisfied with their current hours of work. I use the hours-inequality hypothesis of Bell and Freeman (1995,1997) to evaluate the extent to which race differences in work hours and hours preferences are related to race differences in incentives. I demonstrate that whereas white workers work longer hours in response to overall wage variation in their relevant labor market cell, black workers react to the wage variation among black workers but not to the variation overall. The fact that labor market incentives are different for otherwise similar black and white workers is difficult to reconcile with standard competitive theory.  相似文献   

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