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1.
《Journal of Marketing Management》2013,29(9-10):969-987
This paper reports on one element of our wider study investigating the 2001 British General Election national advertising, and the attitudes and perceptions of the young British electorate to the campaigns. The discussion presented here explores the strategies and ambitions of the Conservative, Labour and Liberal Democrats' 2001 national advertising campaigns. Our analysis is based on indepth interviews with key members of the three parties advertising agencies; content analysis of the national posters, press and party election broadcasts; and secondary source information e.g. coverage in the marketing and advertising press, newspaper, radio and TV reporting. A number of issues emerge including the key role of the advertising in agenda setting and agenda control, evidence of media misrepresentation of the central advertising themes, the poor use of the Internet, and the rather limited ambitions for the advertising itself. 相似文献
2.
《Journal of Marketing Management》2013,29(9-10):1117-1133
The 2005 UK General Election will be the second for which detailed data will be available from the Electoral Commission. Whilst this will not be published until 2006, it is possible using 2001 data and participant accounts to identify the overall funding patterns of the three major party campaigns and changes in the way that was spent. In broad terms, funding and expenditure changed little in money terms from 2001 to 2005, largely due to the impact of financial constraints and regulation on the parties. However, in 2005 for the first time, both the Labour and Conservative parties made significant use of direct marketing methods, notably telephone and direct mail to communicate with target voters in closely contested constituencies. The financial constraints on the parties and the strict restrictions on donations have put the question of significant state funding for political parties back on the agenda. The paper summarises the UK regulatory framework on electoral expenditure and political donations and considers the arguments for and against expanding state funding. 相似文献
3.
《Journal of Marketing Management》2013,29(9-10):925-941
Labour's 2005 election campaign was extensively underpinned by political marketing. This resulted in a campaign of unequal halves; generic and populist at national level; focused and individualised at local level. This article describes the text of Labour's campaign, and its response to its environment, focusing upon its image management strategies in response to the political and media environment within which it operated. This also included the Conservatives and an increasing overlap between politics and celebrity culture. This campaign saw a continuation and sophistication of marketing strategies and technologies, enabling parties to target individual, strategically important, voters. A specific personalised message was presented to 2% of the electorate, while a broad image was promoted to the rest of the populace. With an election focused on a targeted minority of the electorate, it is argued that far from being a force to enhance democracy, marketing at the 2005 election challenges the ideals upon which the democratic process of politics is premised. 相似文献
4.
《Journal of Marketing Management》2013,29(9-10):1067-1078
Fear has for some time been used in marketing communications particularly in social and health marketing. This paper explores how fear was used in the General Election Campaign and uses Aristotle's concept of rhetoric as a basis for understanding how messages are conveyed to the electorate. It argues that fear appeals are resonant with one particular type of voter but alienates other segments. 相似文献
5.
《Journal of Marketing Management》2013,29(9-10):1135-1149
After identifying the paucity of positioning research relating to political marketing the construct is defined and practical examples of its application in politics provided. The analysis of the 2005 election starts by considering the long term framing of political issues and concludes that this, overall, provided Labour with a competitive advantage. Next the positioning dilemmas facing the three national parties in British politics at the start of the campaign are highlighted. Using a basic positioning model, the positioning strategies followed during the campaign itself are then discussed, both in terms of policies and image/emotional positioning approaches. The attempts by the opposition parties to reposition Labour and the latter's defensive reactions are discussed at this point. Then, the way the wider positioning of the parties was targeted at electoral segments is considered. The paper concludes with an attempt to explain the election result in terms of the relative success or failure of the positioning strategies adopted. 相似文献
6.
《Journal of Marketing Management》2013,29(9-10):1179-1192
This paper seeks to examine attempts by the main political parties in the UK general election of 2005 to segment the electorate according to their age and position within the life cycle. Particular attention is given to product adjustments and the party campaigns for the votes of older people, the "grey vote", as the political market shifts profoundly driven both by demographics, the ageing of the population, as well as by electoral behaviour, the declining participation of younger voters. Consideration is also given to segmentation of voters in the first age, the "youth vote", and the second age, "Generation Jones" and "school gate mums". The paper moves on to discuss age and segmentation in the context of elections remaining essentially mass communications campaigns, and the responses within civil society to the apparent power allocated to sub-groups identified as priority targets. 相似文献
7.
《Journal of Marketing Management》2013,29(9-10):899-905
Political marketing was a key factor in the 2005 campaign, but more for its ineffectiveness than for its success. The use of marketing techniques such as segmentation and targeting was prolific, however the extent to which the parties adopted the marketing concept was limited. The impact of Labour's Big Conversation and 'Team Labour' campaign approach was always going to be hindered by Tony Blair's perceived dismissal of party and voter opinion on the Iraq War and top-up fees; appointing a marketing director to work on the presentation rather than the design of policy, combined with a highly negative campaign, was never going to win the election for the Tories. The lessons of electoral history – and marketing - were proved right once again: only if parties fully embrace the marketing philosophy and comprehensively design their behaviour by reflecting and responding to public demand. Nevertheless the key to future success for UK parties is to bring back ideology: market-oriented politics should also include using party principles and leadership judgement in order to be able to produce a distinctive response to the public concerns that is both popular and credible. 相似文献
8.
《Journal of Marketing Management》2013,29(9-10):1005-1020
The public relations of the UK general election of 2005 is examined in the light of the active promotional culture of British politics, a culture that is especially active at election time. The PR or 'spin' can be seen as a presentational trellis offering to voters, mostly via the media, glimpses of policies and politicians which are favourable to the originating party. The purpose of the trellis for the parties is to maximise their electoral advantage and to minimise their disadvantage. The major obstacle to their success is the capacity of the media to brush aside the trellis and to report on the 'other side'. Whatever the benefits and costs for democracy of this tension between partisan presentation and journalism, there is little evidence that voter disengagement with electoral politics is caused by these public relations shows. Political PR is part of the UK's promotional culture; voter disengagement relates to other systemic and more causal features of contemporary British society. A small purposive (but unrepresentative) survey of campaign observers showed key features of political PR servicing the fundamentals of party, policy and personality. 相似文献
9.
《Journal of Marketing Management》2013,29(9-10):989-1006
This paper considers the importance of building the brand image of parties and leaders in modern day politics. Firstly, the appropriateness of branding in the sphere of politics is considered. Then, brand image research on political parties and their leaders is identified and discussed. From this, the advertising (positive and negative), events and celebrity endorsements that affected the June 2001 election are discussed. Finally, some tentative conclusions on political image management are forwarded along with the likely future developments in this area. 相似文献
10.
11.
企业国际化是一个复杂的,多因素作用的过程。对于企业国际化现象的描摹,国际化进程的表述,国际化行为的解释,以及企业国际化影响因素的归纳等方面均存在颇多不同的视角和差异。企业国际化理论着重关注两个议题:一是企业国际化发展的诱因;二是企业国际化的发展过程。本文就既有文献所涉主要理论及观点提供一初步检视,同时,也对后续研究的展开方向作简要的讨论。 相似文献
12.
Jim Sheffield 《Group Decision and Negotiation》2004,13(5):415-435
This article frames GSS-enabled interventions as electronically supported discourses, designed and evaluated against a gold standard of ideal speech in a perfect communication environment. The objectives are, firstly, to develop a model of GSS-enabled interventions based on Habermas' theory of communicative action, and secondly, to apply the model as a problem-structuring device to the conceptual problem of designing the strategic evaluation of a comprehensive urban plan. The model, known as the VC (validity claims) Model, provides separate evaluative criteria for personal, social and technical aspects. The criteria for successful GSS-enabled interventions may be summarized as personal commitment (validated by personal truthfulness or sincerity), to a social consensus (validated by rightness), for informed action (validated by objective truth). Detailed criteria (viz., goal, strategy, procedure, issues, problems) are developed for each type of validity claim and matched to the technologies available. The result is a detailed brief illustrating the design of a GSS-enabled strategic urban planning intervention, including a sample agenda for the GSS-supported meeting and the GSS tools that will be employed. 相似文献
13.
中国股票市场:2005年回顾和2006年展望 总被引:3,自引:0,他引:3
本文系统地概括了中国股票市场2005年的重大事件,其中包括股权分置改革、新的<公司法>和<证券法>出台、证券产品创新和证券公司的整合,既分析了这些重大事件的成因,也探讨了它们的后续效应.并对2006年股市的可能走势进行了研讨,提出了一系列政策建议. 相似文献
14.
This article examines how the action logics associated with the stages of consciousness development of organizational leaders
can influence the meaning, which these leaders give to corporate greening and their capacity to consider the specific complexities,
values, and demands of environmental issues. The article explores how the seven principal action logics identified by Rooke
and Torbert (2005, Harvard Business Review
83(4), 66–76; Opportunist, Diplomat, Expert, Achiever, Individualist, Strategist and Alchemist) can affect environmental leadership.
An examination of the strengths and limitations of these action logics reveals the relevance of the so-called post-conventional
stages of consciousness to the recognition and effective management of complex environmental issues. Suggestions are also
made for promoting organizational contexts conducive to the development of a post-conventional environmental leadership. 相似文献
15.
We propose adding a temporal dimension to stakeholder management theory, and assess the implications thereof for firm-level competitive advantage. We argue that a firm’s competitive advantage fundamentally depends on its capacity for stakeholder management related, transformational adaptation over time. Our new temporal stakeholder management approach builds upon insights from both the resource-based view (RBV) in strategic management and institutional theory. Stakeholder agendas and their relative salience to the firm evolve over time, a phenomenon well understood in the literature, and requiring what we call level 1 adaptation. However, the dominant direction of stakeholder pressures can also change, namely, from supporting resource heterogeneity at the firm level to fostering industry homogeneity, and vice versa. When dominant stakeholder pressures shift from supporting heterogeneity towards stimulating homogeneity in industry, the firm must engage in level 2 or transformational adaptation. Stakeholders typically provide valuable resources to the firm in an early stage. Without these resources, which foster heterogeneity (in line with RBV thinking), the firm would not exist. At a later stage, stakeholders also contribute to inter-firm homogeneity via isomorphism pressures (in line with institutional theory thinking). Adding a temporal dimension to stakeholder management theory has far reaching implications for this theory’s practical relevance to senior level management in business. 相似文献
16.
Mark Casson 《Small Business Economics》2005,24(5):423-430
A review of an outstanding recent book provides an opportunity to reflect on the achievements of the theory of entrepreneurship, and also to identify unresolved issues. It is argued that the nature of ‘opportunity’, and the cognitive basis of opportunity recognition, should be a prominent feature of future research.Scott Shane, (2003). A General Theory of Entrepreneurship, Cheltenham: Edward Elgar. 相似文献
17.
Jean-Michel Plane 《Journal of Business Ethics》2000,26(3):233-243
This article discusses epistemological and methodological problems brought forth during the study of management practices in companies and organisations based on an ethnomethodological approach. Ethnomethodological issues and knowledge in organaisation management and the complexity of the involvement of the researcher will be discussed by way of analysis of six controversial reports on the involvement of the researcher. Our aim is to clarify the nature of the work carried out by the researcher. Therefore the questions of the neutrality of the researchers and the dialectical immersion-distancing with regards to the objects being studied will be discussed. The aim of this article is to show the theoretical and epistemological interest of the organisation ethnomethodology in a constructivist perspective with regards to management sciences research. 相似文献
18.
Skip Worden 《Journal of Business Ethics》2009,84(3):427-456
This article approaches the field of business ethics from a Nietzschean vantage point, which means explaining the weakness of the field by means of providing an etiological account of the values esteemed by the decadent business ethicists therein. I argue that such business ethicists have wandered from their immanent philosophical ground to act as scientists, businesspersons, and preaching-moralists as a way of evading their human self-contradictions. In actuality, this fleeing exacerbates them into a sickness of self-idolatry and self-loathing. I bring in Nietzsche’s approach to the value of truth and his ascetic priest figure to get to the origin of this problem. Moreover, I attend throughout to delimiting the field of business ethics as that branch of ethics that can be taught in business schools. Indeed, the article itself is a movement in this direction, being inherently and intentionally philosophical. 相似文献
19.
1840年鸦片战争以后,在中国逐步走上对外开放的进程中充满了争论,争论的核心在于开放中如何处理中体和西体之间的关系。回顾160多年中国对外开放的历史,可以发现其中存在着一个长期稳定的折衷思维定式,其基本思想可归结为“学习西方必须兼顾中国传统”。在人们的政治偏好呈均匀分布时,该思维定式是一个定位在侯泰林直线中点的折衷政策。在实际中,这一思维定式具有使决策者能获得最大多数人支持和抑制竞争政策获取多数人支持的效应。虽然该思维定式对中国的对外开放进程产生了重大影响,但其重要性仅仅表现在它是一个优化的政治妥协方案,而不在于对开放实践的指导意义。对外开放是一个非常复杂和具体化的过程,如果使这一过程受制于“学习西方必须兼顾中国传统”这一简单化的模式,会给现实中的对外开放带来不利的影响。 相似文献
20.
The present paper compares the ethical perceptions of Americans and Greeks using conjoint analysis. The two samples were presented with 2 scenarios manipulating three factors: gender of the transgressor, organizational status of the transgressor, and the magnitude of the transgression. For each scenario, conventional mean comparisons and conjoint analyses were performed on five ethical measurements. The matrix of means and the relative importances of the American sample were compared with that of the Greek sample. The results showed that Greeks paid more attention to the dollar amount involved and less attention on the organizational status of the transgressor than Americans did. The gender of the transgressor was the least important factor for both samples. The use of relative importance measures derived from conjoint analysis is shown to provide a new dimension in cross-cultural comparisons. 相似文献