The response of decentralized health services to demand uncertainty and the role of political parties in the Spanish public health system

Decentralization of the public health system should lead to health resources being managed more in line with citizens’ preferences. A decentralized system is more flexible in that it can better adapt resources to local needs. Moreover, if regional political parties have responsibility for public health policies, citizens will be able to elect those parties whose positions are more in line with their preferences. However, the role of political parties in public health management has received little attention in the literature. Focusing on the decision to provide reserve service capacity to deal with demand uncertainty, we analyse whether there have been differences between central and decentralized health authorities in Spain and whether these can be explained to some extent by the way different political parties manage the trade-off between being able to cover demand and the economic costs involved. Using data on Spanish public hospitals for the period 1996–2006, we model the difference between observed and potential output using an output-oriented distance function. Reserve capacity is modelled as a function of demand uncertainty, economic costs and the political party in power. We find differences in the way resources are managed by central government and decentralized authorities, even within the same political party. We also find differences between the decentralized authorities themselves according to the political party in power. We conclude that decentralization of public health in Spain has provided regional political authorities with greater flexibility to manage reserve capacity in line with citizens’ needs and preferences.     

Natural resource rents and internal conflicts: Can decentralization lift the curse?

We study how natural resource rents affect the risk of internal conflict within countries and how the federal structure of countries influences this relationship. Natural resource abundance may induce excessive rent-seeking and thus increase the risk of internal conflict. Fiscal and political decentralization as an institutional arrangement for rent-sharing and political codetermination of regions within a country may limit the destructive effect of natural resource rents on internal stability. Using cross-country and panel data from more than 90 countries covering the period 1984–2004, we find evidence that natural resource rents indeed increase the risk of internal conflict, but this relationship is significantly mitigated by political decentralization.     

Playing the synthesizer with Canadian data: Adding polls to a structural forecasting model

Election forecasting has become a fixture of election campaigns in a number of democracies. Structural modeling, the major approach to forecasting election results, relies on ‘fundamental’ economic and political variables to predict the incumbent’s vote share usually a few months in advance. Some political scientists contend that adding vote intention polls to these models—i.e., synthesizing ‘fundamental’ variables and polling information—can lead to important accuracy gains. In this paper, we look at the efficiency of different model specifications in predicting the Canadian federal elections from 1953 to 2015. We find that vote intention polls only allow modest accuracy gains late in the campaign. With this backdrop in mind, we then use different model specifications to make ex ante forecasts of the 2019 federal election. Our findings have a number of important implications for the forecasting discipline in Canada as they address the benefits of combining polls and ‘fundamental’ variables to predict election results; the efficiency of varying lag structures; and the issue of translating votes into seats.     

SUBNATIONAL GOVERNMENT ORGANISATION AND PUBLIC DEBT CRISES

Multilevel governments can be organised according to two basic principles: the principle of autonomy and the principle of vertical public administration. In between, there are a number of mixed systems which are questionable from the point of view of distribution of responsibilities. Subnational public debt crises typically occur in mixed federal systems. Preferable to such systems are pure systems with clear responsibilities. Nevertheless, courts can establish clear liability rules and hence contribute to a stabilisation of federal systems. However, court decisions do not supersede a political choice between either of the two pure systems. Two case studies on local governments illustrate under what circumstances a system of autonomy is preferable and how this result can be applied to the European Union.     

Measuring Electoral Control

If voters do not pay attention to whatrepresentatives do, representatives are not stimulatedto be responsive. Therefore, electoral control, theextent to which voters base their vote on thebehaviour of representatives is, at least potentially,an important variable in the explanation of thebehaviour of representatives. Moreover, electoralcontrol seems to be an important variable from anormative point of view. In this article four ways tomeasure the minimal level of local electoral controlusing the outcomes of local elections (electoralstatistics) are presented. The general idea behind themeasures is fairly simple. If local elections arecompletely determined by nonlocal factors, then thelosses and gains of local divisions of nationalparties from one local election to another are`identical' across municipalities. A deviation fromthis pattern can be interpreted as an indication ofthe minimal level of local electoral control in aspecific municipality. The measures are externallyvalidated using data from a survey among council members.     

EMPLOYEE PARTICIPATION IN OCCUPATIONAL HEALTH AND SAFETY: SHOULD UNION-APPOINTED OR ELECTED REPRESENTATIVES BE THE MODEL FOR THE UK?

Peter Kidger, Lecturer in Human Resource Management at the new Salford Management School, considers whether the offshore health and safety system, under which employees have the statutory right to elect safety representatives irrespective of union membership, could serve as a model for an elective system applicable in all workplaces. He reviews the conditions necessary for representation to be effective, the arguments for restricting representation to union appointments, and some of the criticisms of the 1977 SRSC Regulations. He concludes that there is a case for having safety representatives in all workplaces, but draws attention to enforcement and implementation problems which an elective system would face.     

财政分权对地方政府财政赤字规模膨胀的影响——来自分税制改革后中国省级的观察和经验证据

本文从理论和实证两方面探讨了分税制改革以来确立的财政分权模式对我国地方政府财政赤字规模日益膨胀的影响。理论分析表明,地方政府日益膨胀的财政赤字规模是现行财政体制下财权和事权割裂、公共池问题、横向策略互动以及政治锦标赛引发的激励扭曲和为增长而过度竞争等因素的综合产物。基于全国1998～2006年省际面板数据,本文的实证研究支持了我们的理论预期,即中国式财政分权对地方政府财政赤字规模的膨胀具有显著的正面激励作用。     

政府竞争:行政区经济运行中的地方政府行为分析

从政府竞争的角度,为行政区经济形成构建了一个政府行为分析框架.通过对政府竞争和博弈三个层面的考察,揭示区域经济发展中的各层级政府间互动关系,对行政区经济形成的深层次原因提供较为系统的解释.     

Endogenous party structure

This paper proposes a model of two-party representative democracy on a single-dimensional political space, in which voters choose their parties in order to influence the parties’ choices of representative. After two candidates are selected as the median of each party’s support group, Nature determines the candidates’ relative likability (valence). Based on the candidates’ political positions and relative likability, voters vote for the preferable candidate without being tied to their party’s choice. We show that (1) there exists a nontrivial equilibrium under natural conditions, and (2) the equilibrium party border and the ex ante probabilities of the two-party candidates winning are sensitive to the distribution of voters. In particular, we show that if a party has a more concentrated subgroup, then the party tends to alienate its centrally located voters, and the party’s probability of winning the final election is reduced. Even if voter distribution is symmetric, an extremist party (from either side) can emerge as voters become more politically divided.     

Local public goods, property values, and local public choice

This paper examines the relationship between the benefits and costs of local public good provision and local property values within the context of the Koopmans-Beckmann-Gale location-assignment model. Property values do not in general measure accurately the marginal net benefits of local public goods; special conditions sufficient for property values to measure or bound the marginal net benefits are stated, however. In addition, it is shown that under certain circumstances, households vote for property-value-enhancing levels of local expenditures. Under these conditions, a political equilibrium produces a Lindahl solution to the local public good problem.     

中国财政分权与地方基础设施供给的实证分析

在我国,自上而下的政绩考核机制激励着地方追求短期经济增长,导致其在基础设施投资上拥有很高的热情。文章实证分析了该结论,并用模型论证经济增长、城市化和财政分权等因素是导致地方基本建设支出增长的主要原因。     

中国财政分权与地方基础设施供给的实证分析

在我国,自上而下的政绩考核机制激励着地方追求短期经济增长,导致其在基础设施投资上拥有很高的热情。文章实证分析了该结论,并用模型论证经济增长、城市化和财政分权等因素是导致地方基本建设支出增长的主要原因。     

THE IMPACT OF FISCAL DECENTRALIZATION: A SURVEY

In this paper, we offer a comprehensive and updated review of the impact of fiscal decentralization on the economy, society and politics. Our first target is the examination of two crucial and yet unsolved issues in the empirical literature on decentralization: the proper measurement of decentralization itself and its potential endogeneity in econometric estimates. Then, we discuss the main existing findings on the effects of decentralization on a relevant list of socio-economic issues. The impact of fiscal decentralization reforms on political institutions and public policies is also considered. Complete answers on the impact of fiscal decentralization are not likely to be certain but, overall, there are reasons to be optimistic about the net positive result. Our survey by necessity has to be selective but it presents a balanced view of what is known and what is not yet known opening room for further research and practice on fiscal decentralization.     

Does it matter that the prosecutor is also the judge? The administrative complaint process at the Federal Trade Commission

Firms seeking to merge face antitrust scrutiny from either the Department of Justice (DOJ) or the Federal Trade Commission (FTC). Unlike the DOJ, the FTC litigates its cases in front of its own administrative law judges (ALJs), and then hears the appeal itself, rather than using federal district courts. This study focuses on the formal decisions made by the FTC after an ALJ has conducted a full trial for a particular case. We find that while the ‘merits’ of a matter, as implied by the case law, affect the FTC's decision, institutional factors also have an impact. In particular, the firm's chances of prevailing in litigation are influenced by the number of commissioners who both vote to prosecute and then vote as a judge as well as the political affiliations of the commissioners. © 1998 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd.     

中国城市扩张的财政激励——基于1998～2009年我国省级面板数据的实证分析

基于我国1998～2009年的省级面板数据,运用广义矩估计法(GMM),实证分析了财政分权、转移支付与当前地方政府城市扩张之间的关系。研究表明:"中国式"的财政分权体制是造成城市快速扩张的重要原因,而现有的财政转移支付并不能有效逆转这种趋势,改革现有的财政体制与政府治理体制才是解决问题的根本之道。研究还表明,我国的财政分权与转移支付效应存在明显的地区差异和跨时差异。同时,财政分权与转移支付对城市扩张存在着相互影响,转移支付的增加会降低财政分权的效应,财政分权度的提高也会减缓转移支付的作用。     

On the incentives to experiment in federations

Conventional wisdom has it that policy innovation is better promoted in a federal rather than in a unitary system. Recent research, however, has provided theoretical evidence to the contrary: a multi-jurisdictional system is characterized—due to the existence of a horizontal information externality—by under-provision of policy innovation. This paper presents a simple model that introduces political competition for federal office and emphasizes that such competition plays an important role in shaping the incentives for experimentation. For, in this case, political actors use the innovative policies to signal ability to the electorate. This effect may offset the effect that arises from the incentive to free ride, and so a federal system may generate more innovation than a unitary one.     

Geographical Proximity and Mutual Funds' Proxy Voting Behavior

This paper examines the influence of geographical proximity on mutual fund proxy voting decisions. Using mutual fund proxy voting data for the sample period July 1, 2003 to June 30, 2004, we find that fund managers vote more in favor of management of locally headquartered firms. The results are strong for proposals related to executive compensation, anti‐takeover provisions, social and political issues. We provide evidence to show that bias in proxy voting is not being driven by informational advantage; voting bias is prevalent in small as well as large size companies. Additionally, the voting pattern suggests that geographical proximity does not facilitate in better corporate monitoring as revealed in their voting decisions. We find that local fund managers vote more favorably in those proposals which do not increase shareholders' wealth and rights. Our results suggest that familiarity and social interaction between fund managers and firm executives located in the same geographic area might explain the local bias in mutual fund proxy voting behavior. Copyright © 2011 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd.     

Charging for public services: the case of utilities in Norwegian local governments

This paper empirically analyzes the determinants of utility charges using a panel data set for a sample of Norwegian local governments. There is strong evidence of revenue substitution in the sense that local governments increase their utility charges when other sources of revenue (lump-sum grants and regulated tax revenue) become more restricted. Moreover, local political institutions are shown to be important: a high share of socialist representatives in the local council leads to high utility charges, whereas a strong political leadership is able to keep utility charges low.     

金融科技能影响金融分权吗? ——来自金融科技信贷的证据

金融科技正在变革全球金融体系、鼎新世界金融格局。那么,金融科技在改变中国金融业格局的同时,是否会影响中国中央和地方之间的金融分权呢？本文在理论分析的基础上,使用2010—2018年中国31个省级区域的面板数据进行实证检验,结果表明金融科技降低了地方政府的金融分权水平。进一步讨论发现：金融科技对金融分权的抑制效应受到财政分权和城镇化率影响,财政分权越大的地区,金融科技对金融分权的抑制效应越明显;城镇化率越高的地区,金融科技对金融分权的抑制效应越小;在中国区域经济发展不平衡的现实背景下,金融科技对金融分权的抑制作用在金融发展欠发达地区比在较发达地区更强。     

Optimal taxation and intergovernmental transfer in a dynamic model with multiple levels of government

In this paper, we study the optimal choices of the federal income tax, federal transfers, and local taxes in a dynamic model of capital accumulation and with explicit game structures among multiple private agents, multiple local governments, and the federal government. In general, the optimal local property tax is zero if the local property tax is constrained to be nonnegative, whereas the optimal local consumption tax is always positive. When the local consumption tax is chosen optimally, the federal income tax can be either positive or negative. For most reasonable parameter values, our numerical calculations have shown that with a positive local consumption tax there exists a reverse transfer from local governments to the federal government.