Kriegsberichterstattung in deutschen Qualitätszeitungen

As the gulf wars and the wars in former Yugoslavia occured in the 1990s, researchers and journalists alike began to discuss anew the conditions, role, and effects of war coverage. Despite the comparatively large number of empirical studies on war coverage, longitudinal analyses of the development and change of the media’s performance in constructing an image of war are lacking to date. The study introduced here pursues this subject with a broadly conceived content analysis. Starting with the fact that the media do not only merely take up issues, but process them in a specific way, we looked for coverage patterns into which frames of interpretation were worked during the journalists‘ production of the media image of events — a process referred to as framing. It was the aim of the study to investigate more closely the framing of German war coverage. It appeared that media reconstruction of war changed over time. German war coverage retains, however, a strong focus on the military and combat action. It is rather these subjects than, for instance, the causes or consequences of war that are most intensely covered.     

Unter der Tarnkappe

The article deals with the question of whether the economic interests of media companies have an effect on the quality of their media coverage. Such an effect would violate professional journalistic standards. As a case study, we analyze media coverage on the abortive acquisition of the ProSiebenSat.1 Media AG by the Axel Springer Verlag, comparing Springer-owned and competitor-owned newspapers. The professional journalistic standards of relevance, neutrality, balance and transparency are applied to measure the quality of the media coverage. Results show systematic differences in the presentation and evaluation of the acquisition between the two media groups, in line with their economic interests. Springer newspapers apply a two-level strategy: On the one hand, they publish fewer and more neutral articles than the competitors’ newspapers — they obviously do not want to draw attention to the topic. On the other hand, they try to influence public discussion covertly by using »opportune witnesses« and «volatile issues«. The media coverage of both newspaper groups — Springer and competitors — can be explained by their economic interests. This assertion is supported by both theoretical assumptions and empirical findings.     

Politische Skandalberichterstattung: ein Forschungsüberblick und Systematisierungsversuch

Political scandals are a frequent feature of political communication around the world nowadays. Scandals serve important societal functions, e.?g., public discussion and reformation of norms in a society; holding political actors accountable for certain (political) behaviors. Scholars have argued that the news media are increasingly reporting about norm violations of political candidates. Surprisingly, no review of international research dealing with the dissemination and media coverage of political scandals is available. Thus, in the current paper the state-of-the-art in research on political scandals is systematically reviewed. Based on an extensive literature research a total of 20 relevant studies (published in German and English language) could be found. These studies were selected and examined in depth. The results revealed that – within the last two decades – there is an increasing number of political scandals around the world (data from 31 countries were examined). Besides increases in news reports about political scandals in Germany and the United States these studies show, for example, that there is a steep increase of political scandals in northern European countries (Denmark, Finland, Norway, Sweden), and therefore in countries that used to be considered as rather “scandal-free” in the past. Furthermore, the results indicate that in specific countries (e.?g., United States, UK) political news are increasingly presented in a scandalizing way. Based on these findings, the number of political scandals (the number of individual cases published by the news media) has to be analytically separated from scandalization in political communication more generally (e.?g., the expression of public anger, the use of language of escalation, or the public condemnation of a behavior in political communication). Moreover, the results reveal that particular ownership structures, partisanship of a news organization, and the competitive context tend to influence news coverage about political scandals. The results also show that the definition and operationalization of political scandals – partially – remains unclear. More precisely, definitions used in previous research are either too unspecific and broad and thus do not allow for a precise operationalization and measurement of political scandals. In contrast, other definitions used in previous studies are too specific and needlessly restrict the measurement of political scandals. Thus, quite relevant cases are not accounted for. Therefore, an improved definition and operationalization of political scandals is proposed. According to that, scandals are defined as follows:Political scandals refer to real or conjectured norm transgressions of political actors or institutions. A particular norm transgression may occur in the context of political processes or in a politician’s private life and may or may not have legal consequences (e.?g., official investigation by the office of the district attorney). National scandals have to be repeatedly covered by two or more independent media organizations (e.?g., The New York Times and CNN in the U.S.). Regional scandals have to be repeatedly covered by two or more independent regional media organizations (however, the above-mentioned criterion for national scandals does not have to be fulfilled). News coverage about an alleged norm transgression must be framed as scandalous (scandal frame) and the scandalous behavior has to be unambiguously condemned.Based on the review, several research gaps are identified and a model for predicting the intensity of political scandal news coverage is introduced. The model comprises four central dimensions to predict the intensity of scandal news coverage (intensity is defined as duration, frequency, thematization, extent, and valence of coverage). The first dimension relates to the features of a particular scandal. Cases relating solely to verbal norm transgressions (talk scandals) are differentiated from cases involving other forms of scandalous behavior. Furthermore, cases with/without official investigations are differentiated and cases high/low in moral reprehensibility are distinguished. The second dimension relates to specific features of a particular politician (e.?g., type of position, popularity, if he or she has made moralizing/hypocritical statements in the past). As a third dimension, the model takes the particular reaction of a politician to scandal allegations into account (reaction appropriate/inappropriate). Finally, the fourth dimension takes the general context into consideration (e.?g., the particular media agenda, political leaning of a news outlet, social/cultural/economic context). Based on these four dimensions, as is argued, the intensity of scandal news coverage can be predicted and – in line with the model – specific assumptions are formulated that may be tested in future research. For instance, it is assumed that the news media will cover a case intensively when a political candidate is accused of transgressing a norm (e.?g., corruption) that engenders an official investigation (e.?g., state’s attorney) and is high in moral reprehensibility. Furthermore, the model predicts that the coverage will be intense when a politician’s popularity is rather low (compared to high), when a candidate made moralizing/hypocritical statements in the past (compared to no such comments), when he or she holds a high office (e.?g., president, minister compared to a back-bencher), and when he or she reacts inappropriate (e.?g., unconfident, contradictory, incredible statements) to an allegation (compared to more appropriate reactions). Finally, the model predicts that the news coverage of a political scandal will be more intense, when there are no other important topics (e.?g., terror attack, disaster) on the news agenda and when a potential norm violation is culturally especially relevant in a particular society (e.?g., sex scandals in the United States).     

Der CDU-Parteispendenskandal: Medienberichterstattung und Bevölkerungsreaktion

The general assumption about political scandals is that they have mostly negative consequences. One of the most important negative effects seems to be that the scandalized parties and politicians loose electoral support (e.g. measured by voting intentions). Unfortunately, current empirical studies analyzing the link between political scandals and electoral reactions only found limited support for this simple causal relationship — especially if they focus on individual attitudes and behavior. Using content analysis and survey data on the party financing scandal of the CDU (one of the biggest political scandals in the history of post-war Germany), this article analyzes the connection between media coverage of the scandal and public reactions on both the aggregate and the individual level. While a strong media effect on public opinion exists on the aggregate level, such a relationship does not appear on the individual level. This again raises the question of whether political scandals do affect public opinion as postulated.     

Das Zusammenspiel von gesellschaftlicher Umwelt- und Selbstbeobachtung in der Medienberichterstattung

Mass media communication makes societal changes visible and opens the platform for discussion and public debate. Observation of societal changes and public debate are intrinsically linked. Using the example of media coverage on war and questions of defense and security policies, we researched the relationship between societal changes and public debate in a longitudinal study. We performed a content analysis of the daily newspapers FAZ and Süddeutsche Zeitung for the time period of 1989?C2000. The results showed interesting frame relationships between the coverage of single wars and the coverage of defense policies. Specific aspects of war coverage lead to more coverage of security and defense policy issues, and the framing of the one is interrelated to the framing of the other in complex ways.     

??ber Terroristen und Spitzensportler

Islamophobia is more strongly developed in East Germany compared to the western part of the country. Given the lack of personal contact with Muslims in East Germany, islamophobia is probably strongly influenced by media coverage. For this reason, the coverage of two East German regional newspapers, Nordkurier and Volksstimme, is analyzed against the theoretical background of a conjunction of the social-psychological stereotype content model with the communication-scientific concept of framing. Using content analysis and latent class analysis, two so-called stereotype frames were identified. Two thirds of all Islam-related articles use the ??cold and harm frame??. Here, Muslims are often blamed for the lethal consequences of terrorist action, their behaviour is evaluated as cold or immoral, and military interventions against them are discussed. On the other hand, one third of all Islam-related articles belongs to the ??competence and cooperation frame??. Competence is ascribed to Muslims as their success in artistic, athletic or political activities is recognized and other actors?? interest in cooperation in these areas is emphasized. Whereas the ??cold and harm frame?? probably promotes medial segregation, the ??competence and cooperation frame?? is representing an assimilative model of media integration.     

Das Medienbild in der islamistischen Online-Propaganda

Islamic terror attacks can be regarded as an endpoint of radicalization defined as a process that takes place on a cognitive and a behavioral level (Neumann 2013b). The analysis of Islamic online propaganda seems to be important when it comes to explaining radicalization processes, as it can be defined as the “deliberate, systematic attempt to shape perceptions, manipulate cognitions, and direct behavior to achieve a response that furthers the desired intent of the propagandist” (Jowett and O’Donnell 2012). The arguably most prominent Salafi propagandist in Germany is Pierre Vogel who has about 300,000 Facebook likes and who is said to be an extremely sucessfull missionary on the Internet (Wiedl and Becker 2014). Given Wiktorowicz’s (2006) differentiation of Salafi factions, Vogel belongs to the politicos who emphasize application of the Salafi creed to the political arena, but who do not call for violence. While previous research has analyzed several aspects of propaganda made by politicos and the violent jihadis (e.?g., Payne 2009), the media image Islamic propagandists hold has remained unexplored so far. This is an important deficit, as from the perspective of journalism ethics of responsibility, one can argue that journalists should know how their media coverage is perceived and instrumentalized by Islamists.Against this background, the present paper explores Vogel’s media image by analyzing Facebook posts that explicitly contain references to media. At first, the basic question of the Salafi’s understanding of the media arises, as a more technical view on the media can be distinguished from the perception of media as political actors bound by directives by the state (Neumann and Baugut 2017). Moreover, we were interested in the type of media and distinct media outlets Vogel refers to. Secondly, we wanted to find out in how far hostile media perceptions (Vallone et al. 1985), well-explored in other contexts, also occur among Islamists like Vogel that can be characterized by a considerable degree of cognitive and affective involvement that triggers hostile media perceptions (cf. Hansen and Kim 2011, S. 173–174; Matthes 2013, S. 375–376). Third, we were interested in the Salafi’s assumptions on media impact on third persons (Davison 1983), as previous research has pointed to cultural distance as one among several factors enforcing third person perceptions (Tsfati 2014). Fourth, as the perceptions mentioned above possibly foster radicalization, we were interested in whether Vogel consequently shows extremist tendencies in his statements on the media’s role. Methodologically, we conducted a qualitative content analysis (Mayring 2015) of all of Vogel’s media-related Facebook posts in the years 2014–2016 (N?=?137). In those years, Islamic terrorism became a major issue in consequence of terrorist attacks in Germany and other European countries.At first, our analysis shows that Vogel mostly refers indiscriminately to the media in general, not at least because he perceives journalistic cooorientation. In cases in which distinct media outlets are named, all types of journalistic media ranging from local newspapers to public and private broadcasting stations are concerned. The broad media repertoire suggests that the Salafist scene comes into contact with content of established journalistic media—albeit not always directly, but rather through the Salafist opinion leader Pierre Vogel in the sense of a “two-step flow” (Lazarsfeld et al. 1944).Second, we found strong hostile media perceptions indicating that the media are perceived as political actors “spending millions to fight Islam”. Vogel especially complains about media coverage portraying him in the context of terrorism. He traces this kind of media coverage back to both economic editorial imperatives and the media’s alleged political goal to divide the Muslim community. The public complaints about hostile media on Facebook can be interpreted as a contribution to the victim-narrative that is characteristic of Islamic propaganda (Payne 2009).Third, while Vogel criticizes media coverage in many respects, not at least in terms of credibility, he assumes that the media influence on third parties is relatively strong. For example, discrimination against Muslims in everyday life is ascribed to the media. Journalists are even made responsible for supporting terrorism by portraying non-radicalized individuals in the context of terrorism.Fourth, the occurrence of both hostile media and third person perceptions did not result in extremist statements on the role of the media. For example, we found no crimes such as an explicit verbal threat to journalists. Being aware that his critics might encourage supporters to attack the media which in turn could have legal consequences, Vogel emphasizes that complaints about ostensible lies should be raised in a reasonable way.All in all, this study shows journalists that their media coverage is intensively monitored by Germany’s most prominent Salafi and that hostile media and third person perceptions may at the same time also occur among extremists who use exemplars of media coverage for propaganda purposes. Especially an undifferentiated portrayal of Salafists as terrorists appears as grist to the mills of those who want to mobilize and recruit scene members by means of the victim-narrative. Clearly, this study has limitations. Given the heterogeneity of the Salafi scene (Wiktorowicz 2006), findings from a leading German Salafi cannot be simply transferred to the whole scene. Besides the problem of generalizability, an interview with Vogel is needed to understand the motives behind his analyzed postings and to find out whether his media image explored by a scholarly interview is congruent with his media image presented on Facebook.     

Spitzenkandidaten im Wahlkampf

This articles investigates the degree to which the image of political candidates can experience change during the campaign, by campaigning on the one hand and by the political coverage of the mass media on the other. Empirical analyses of the Northrhine-Westphalian state election of May 14, 2000, are based on longitudinal survey data for the five weeks before the election and a cross-sectional pre-election study representative of Northrhine-Westphalia. For three effect criteria — first the information the population holds about the leading candidates, second the evaluation of various candidate qualities, and third the weight candidate evaluation carries for the voting decision — it is shown that both effects of campaigning and effects of media coverage on political attitudes and the voting decision can be identified.     

The Role of Media Coverage in Explaining Stock Market Fluctuations: Insights for Strategic Financial Communication

This study investigates the reciprocal relationships between the fluctuation of the closing prices of three companies listed on the Amsterdam exchange index, namely ING, Philips and Shell and online media coverage related to these firms for a period of two years (2014–2015). Automated content analysis methods were employed to analyze sentiment and emotionality and to identify corporate topics related to the companies. A positive relation of the amount of coverage and emotionality with the fluctuation of stock prices was detected for Shell and Philips. In addition, corporate topics were found to positively Granger cause stock price fluctuation, particularly for Philips. The study advances past research in showing that the prediction of stock price fluctuation based on media coverage can be improved by including sentiment, emotionality, and corporate topics. The findings inform strategic communication, and particularly investor relations, in suggesting that media attention, sentiment, and certain corporate topics are crucial when managing media relations and with regard to securing a fair evaluation of listed companies. Furthermore, the innovative research methods are useful for researchers and practitioners alike in showcasing how media coverage related to firms and their stock fluctuations can be identified and analyzed in a reproducible, hands-on and efficient manner.     

Mediennutzung und Umweltbewusstsein: Dependenz- und Priming-Effekte

In a comparative perspective, the article is concerned with the contribution of media use to EU citizens’ levels of environmental knowledge and awareness. Mass media are the most important source for environmental information, and media use contributes considerably to the amount of information people hold on environmental issues. In addition, media use bears upon the perception of the burden to the environment, the worry about the state of the environment in one’s own country, and the worries about the environment in general. The explanatory power of media use is largest for those judgments that relate to the parts of the environment that cannot be directly experienced. Besides this result, which is in accordance to the dependency theory of media effects, the analysis corroborates a priming effect: The media affect judgments on the environmental burden one has to suffer and on the state of the environment even if these judgments can be based on one’s own perception. EU citizens, however, complain much less about the burden on their own environment than they worry about the state of the environment in general. This gap also, as is demonstrated, can be traced back, at least in part, to an influence of the media. Results for single EU countries partly differ from these general results, most likely due to differences in how much environmental issues are politicized in the media and how intensely they are covered.     

Medienberichterstattung über Medienkonzentration

Taking into account the ongoing political debate on self-regulating and self-observing media and the increasing media concentration, the study explores journalists’ strategies of manufacturing credibility in self-referential media communication. How do journalists try to construct a »normal distance« between their public functions on the one hand and the economic stakes of the media conglomerates they work for and the media industry on the other. Based on a qualitative content analysis, the case study on the coverage of the AOL-Time Warner merger reveals significant differences in the tendencies of coverage and the strategies used to solve this dilemma: Independent media such as 〉die tageszeitung〈 tend to report more intensely and to comment more critically, also considering the frameworks of media politics and media ethics. A comparison of 〉Newsweek〈 and 〉Time Magazine〈 shows that increasing self-referentiality goes along with an increasing use and complexity of all three strategies: distancing, revealing, and concealing. 〉Newsweek〈 provides a much more pluralistic and more critical view of the merger than the AOL-Time Warner owned 〉Time Magazine〈, its direct competitor.     

Das Bild der Nanotechnologie in deutschen Printmedien. Eine frameanalytische Langzeitstudie

According to a recent survey, roughly every second German has no mental association with the concepts of nanotechnology and nanomaterials. This is similar to reports from other countries. Nanotechnology is something that cannot be experienced and observed directly, which is hardly surprising, given that a nanometer is defined as one billionth of a meter. Accordingly, what people know about nanotechnology, and their interpretations and opinions of this knowledge, are based mainly on information from the mass media. Therefore, this first systematic study of the German media coverage aims at analyzing the media frames of nanotechnology. The analysis is based on a standardized content analysis of nine print media for the period 2000?C2008. The results indicate that the German media framing is predominantly highly positive towards nanotechnology, with particular emphasis being placed on its medical and economic benefits. The German media offers only a very limited critical alternative to this one-sided perspective of progress in this field. The situation is thus essentially the same as for media coverage in other countries.     

Konsonanz 30 Jahre später

Consonant coverage is assumed to be an important prerequisite for media effects to occur. However, empirical evidence for this assumption is largely missing. Focusing on the issue of European integration, this study investigated, in 13 EU member states, whether consonant coverage affected EU citizens’ opinions on the issue. For each country and at the individual level of analysis, the study linked content analyses of the main evening news and the most prestigious newspaper with survey data. Consonant coverage influenced people’s opinions about European integration, while dissonant coverage made no impact. Both EU supporters and EU opponents were susceptible to the effects of consonant coverage, which tentatively suggests that consonant coverage may surmount selective mechanisms. In sum, the study is the first to provide evidence that consonant coverage may indeed enhance media effects.     

Schaffen wir das?

In 2015, Germany sheltered about 900,000 refugees—more than ever before. This development led to political and public discussions in the country which changed between creating a culture of welcome for refugees and the danger of foreign infiltration through refugees. On the one hand, this article investigates, if patterns could be identified in the public debate about the so-called refugee crisis in the regional press in Germany in 2015. On the other hand, it concentrates on the solution orientation of the regional news coverage concerning this topic. The reporting pattern of solutions journalism supposes this kind of journalistic reporting and it is strongly discussed in communication sciences and journalism at the moment.The two aims of this study are based on four theoretical aspects: the responsibility of journalism, the reporting pattern of solutions journalism, the state of research concerning the image of migration and immigrants in the German media and the concept of framing. The responsibility of journalism roots in its function of information and its ethical foundation. In carrying out their work, journalists have to balance ethics of conviction and ethics of responsibility: Providing full information about a topic and the (ethical) consequences of this full information is the field of conflict in which journalism lies. In the case of media coverage about the so-called refugee crisis, it is not easy to report and not proliferating prejudice and resentments against immigrants.Generally, negative reasons of reporting are often picked up by the media. In contrast to this trend, the reporting pattern of solutions journalism focusses solutions for negative reasons of reporting. Not only the problems are discussed in this reporting pattern, also solutions are presented which should encourage the recipients to act. The journalist is accredited with the role of a mediator in public debates in the pattern of solutions journalism. This role is discussed critically in journalism and communications science.Regarding the image of migration and immigrants in the German media, communication studies do not describe this coverage in a positive way. Media reports often connect immigrants to crime, foreign infiltration or describe them as an expense factor. Also, terror and Islamic faith are topics appearing since 2011 in the German media linked with immigration. Concerning the so-called refugee crisis, the few existing studies show that this situation is described as threat. In its coverage the regional press follows the argumentation of the national press and concentrates on politics when reporting about this topic.This state of research leads to the assumption that negative patterns will dominate in the regional press concerning the so-called refugee crisis, although this topic could be the chance to implement some characteristics of solutions journalism. This hypothesis was investigated in this study by a quantitative content analysis of the regional press in Germany concerning the topic of the refugee crisis. The concept of framing was used in the methodological design of this article. To frame means to extract several aspects of reality and to emphasize some of them more than others. A frame consists of a problem definition of a topic, a causal interpretation, a moral evaluation, and a treatment recommendation. Based on this definition, frames can be seen as clusters of about four elements. To identify frames, this study uses an approach considering frames as clusters of these elements. In a quantitative content analysis these single elements were operationalized and after data collection investigated by hierarchical cluster analyses to create groups of elements which often appear together. For the content analysis, a stratified sample of eight regional newspapers in seven federal states in Germany was drawn to analyze the coverage of the year 2015. Altogether, the final sample consisted of 1231 articles.The results of this analysis show that the biggest frame in the regional press is the one of “social challenge” of the so-called refugee crisis. It deals with the social and cultural problems the so-called refugee crisis causes and replaces the dominant topic of crime in the then current state of research. Further frames are the ones of “integration”, “capacity”, “demonstration” and “solution”. The frame “integration” concentrates in a positive way on the chance of integration and is astonishingly quite equally sized in comparison to the one of “social challenge”. The frame “capacity” is smaller. It deals with the problem of accommodation of refugees. The frames of “demonstration” and “solution” appear not very often and focus the problems of protest against refugees and their supporters or political solutions for the so-called refugee crisis.But not only the widely spread frame of integration in the regional press is surprising, also its significant dominance in the coverage of the regional newspapers in East Germany is noteworthy. As more hostility against refugees can be observed in the eastern parts of Germany in 2015, it is an astonishing fact, that the regional press accents the frame of integration. Maybe the newspapers wanted to be the public counterpart to the hostile atmosphere in this region.Solution orientation as it is focused by solutions journalism could be identified in this analysis by the frame element of treatment recommendation. In sum, only few treatment recommendations exist in the regional press coverage: The widely spread frames “social challenge” and “integration” are the ones which provide the fewest treatment recommendations. The small frames “capacity” and “demonstration” are those which show the largest solution orientation. The solution proposals are oriented towards politics. These findings show that the solution orientation in the regional press coverage is not very strong, but the widely spread frame of integration demonstrates that the regional press reports in a more positive way than expected—especially in Eastern Germany.     

Politiker-Homepages zwischen Politik-PR und Bürgerpartizipation

More than half of politicians on the federal level and almost a third on the state level in Germany offered their own website in 2002. Websites typically present politicians’ political work and their personality and provide citizens with interactive channels, such as electronic guestbook, online forum and email address. Politicians’ homepages as a new format of online communication are subject to critical coverage in the mass media. One fourth of internet users visit such pages more or less regularly. This article summarizes research on politicians’ homepages and focusses on two perspectives so far neglected: use and effects. Statements on current political issues and personal information are among the most widely used content elements in politicians’ homepages. Interactive components have so far only seldom been used. They contain a participatory potential, which, however, will only come to be realized if politicians keep up a transparent communication management that makes the uses of taking part evident to more citizens. Discrepancies between the citizens’ expectations for politicians’ homepages on the one hand, and people’s online behavior on the other, are discussed.     

Das neue Medien-Menü: Fernsehen und WWW als funktionale Alternativen?

As new media technologies develop and become established, the supply of media services expands. Along with this development, the question arises of how this affects traditional media. As other new media have, the Internet, too, has triggered debates about the future of the «old» media. This paper discusses whether the proliferation of the World Wide Web can have effects on television use. To do this, both relevant theoretical approaches and the state of empirical research are introduced and discussed. Present research results do not consider the systematic difference between cognitive schemata concerning media use as they are reproduced in face-to-face interviews on the one hand, and actual media use on the other. An innovative research concept is developed that takes this critique into account and differentiates between gratification expectations and situational gratifications sought and obtained. As regards gratification expectations, television is superior to the World Wide Web. It is more powerful on all gratification dimensions. Considering actual use, though, the World Wide Web has already outstripped television on some of the dimensions. It is used more often to satisfy specific needs. Thus, cognitive schemata of media use lag behind the actual changes in every day life.     

Akteursbeziehungen in der Zeitungsberichterstattung über die Online-Aktivitäten des öffentlich-rechtlichen RundfunksActor relations in the newspaper coverage about the online activities of public service broadcasting in Germany

Focusing on the media policy debate about the Internet activities of public service broadcasting in Germany this paper investigates in how far strategic interests of newspaper publishers impact upon the news coverage of their newspapers. Using a combined content and network analytic approach the study examines what further actors from the media policy field were presented in the media debate and how they are related to each other. Empirically, the study relies on a content analysis examining the news coverage about the Internet activities of public service broadcasting in three national daily newspapers (die tageszeitung, Süddeutsche Zeitung, Die Welt). 156 articles were coded using the principles of relational content analysis that allow studying actors‘ interactions as symbolized networks. Results found indication of the assumed influence of publisher’s interest on their news coverage. Additionally it was found that the newspaper’s editorial line seems to have a moderating effect on this process. Results from the network analysis point to a very polarized debate that is dominated by private media corporations and their associations.     

Parlamente in non-fiktionalen und fiktionalen AngebotenThe portrayal of parliaments in non-fictional and fictional TV-programs

Parliaments are the hearts of democracy. This is where negotiations between different political actors on different levels take place, where negotiation processes are consolidated and where binding decisions for our society are made. We are currently witnessing both an increase in the importance of media coverage for political communication and a fragmentation of the audience’s exposure to it. This article analyzes how non-fictional and fictional TV-programs depict the logic behind the working method of the parliament. Based on a comprehensive theoretical discussion, a quantitative content analysis of parliamentary reporting in Berlin direkt and the depiction of parliamentary procedures in the Danish TV-series Borgen was conducted. Results show that both Berlin direkt and Borgen depict the procedural character of parliamentary negotiation processes and therefore help the public gain a better understanding of parliamentary procedures.     

Endspurt. Mediales Horse-Racing im Wahlkampf

The habit of presenting the candidates in a political election like horses in a race ensures drama and excitement and has therefore proven popular with the media especially during a campaign. For several years, communication and political science have been criticizing the media’s election coverage for not emphasizing the issues but focusing instead on the candidates’ relative standing in the polls. This horse race journalism is said to replace content by entertainment. The assumption that this format has increased over the past years and also grows within a single election year as the election approaches has now been reassessed empirically. A comparison of the two major German newspapers Süddeutsche Zeitung and Frankfurter Allgemeine Zeitung of the years 1976 and 2005 revealed surprising findings: the share of the horse-racing format in election campaign coverage is considerably lower than expected and has increased only a little within the past three decades. Quantity has apparently been overestimated, at least considering high-quality newspapers. Therefore it has to be asked whether the newsworthiness of horse racing leads to exceeding consumption and in consequence to a biased perception by its critics.     

Medien und Integration

Although attention to the relationship between social integration and media has increased over the years, a gap remains in terms of quantitative content analysis on this topic. This applies particularly to the content of foreign-language media, probably due in part to the difficult operationalization of the concept of ??integration??. The paper outlines an action theory-based framework for the identification and empirical analysis of integration-related media content. The ??integrative function?? of the media can be understood as the dissemination of matching definitions of stereotyped situations to support individuals in successfully coordinating their actions. Of particular importance are four processes that grant access to societal resources: (1) Culturation, (2) Placement, (3) Interaction, and (4) Identification. These processes represent a logical point of reference for an empirical operationalization and analysis of integration-relevant media content (conceived as meta-messages). To test this framework, a focus study of Turkish-language media was conducted. The results provide evidence that the concept allows a broader perspective and detailed analysis of media content concerning integration and the processes involved. Overall however, integration-related content only plays a marginal role in Turkish-language media, at least in times of routine coverage.