新自由主义经济思潮及其在部分国家实践的再反思

上世纪80年代以来，许多曾经推行过新自由主义经济改革政策的新兴市场国家和转轨国家相继发生了经济金融动荡，个中原因，值得反思。本文在对新自由主义经济思潮的理论体系和政策主张进行清晰梳理的基础上，通过其在新兴市场国家和转轨国家实践效果的透彻分析，对上述原因进行了深刻的反思和解析，并指出了其理论缺陷和有效发挥作用的限制性条件。     

美国金融危机与新自由主义

2007年爆发的美国金融危机与新自由主义有着脱不开的干系.以崇尚市场、反对干预等位主要特征的新自由主义,造成了美国金融市场缺乏监管、个人消费过渡膨胀,从而酿成7被刺金融危机.     

美国金融危机与新自由主义

2007年爆发的美国金融危机与新自由主义有着脱不开的干系。以崇尚市场、反对干预等位主要特征的新自由主义,造成了美国金融市场缺乏监管、个人消费过渡膨胀,从而酿成了被刺金融危机。     

新自由主义经济学中的政府观及其启示

新自由主义经济学各流派是现代经济学丛林中的奇葩。在充分肯定市场作用的前提下,具有各不相同的政府观。了解和认识新自由主义经济学各流派的政府观,并进行系统比较和总结,对中国在全球化背景下形成和构建政府观具有极其重要的意义。     

如何看待新自由主义经济学

近年来,我国理论界对新自由主义经济学的看法存在很大分歧。本文认为,新自由主义经济学与政治化的新自由主义———“华盛顿共识”之间虽然存在千丝万缕的联系,但二者存在本质的差别,“华盛顿共识”本质上是以美国为首的西方发达国家推行世界霸权主义的工具,因此我们必须坚决抵制;而新自由主义经济学主要是为适应解决西方国家经济问题、推动资本主义市场经济发展的需要而产生和不断发展的,因此其中必然存在可供我国社会主义经济建设借鉴之处。但在借鉴新自由主义经济理论过程中,必须持批判的态度。     

金融危机、新自由主义与中国的道路

愈演愈烈的世界性金融经济危机正在成为资本主义发展新阶段即国际金融垄断资本主义或新自由主义发展阶段的一次总危机,危机事实上宣告了新自由主义的终结。应对这场危机从根本上说就是要毫不动摇地坚持和完善社会主义市场经济体制,完善基本制度、保障社会公平、加强宏观调控、实现自主发展,赋予中国的发展模式和发展道路以新的活力和创造力,把严峻的危机转化成为前进的动力和发展的机遇。     

新老自由主义比较研究

新自由主义的产生和发展与古典自由主义有着深远的历史渊源,新自由主义的“新”意味着不同于亚当·斯密创始的古典的或20世纪30年代以前的经济自由主义。实质上,新自由主义是“古典自由主义”经济学说的更新,是它的更为极端的翻版。新自由主义本质上不过就是一种比较精致的新权威主义,并且已经具有了某种国际扩张性政治权利的形式。对于新自由主义的认识和利用必须要持谨慎的态度。     

简析新自由主义的缘起与勃兴

新自由主义作为一种经济学理论、思潮,产生于20世纪二三十年代。它在＂凯恩斯主义＂兴盛时代受到冷落,处于＂边缘性发展＂阶段,在资本主义经济陷入＂滞涨＂时兴盛起来,并借助经济全球化的趋势在全世界扩张开来。新自由主义的缘起是由那个时期的经济社会与政治环境造成的,同样它也是在一定的社会历史条件下勃兴起来的。     

Neoliberalism and Class Reproduction in India: The Political Economy of Privatisation in the Mineral Sector in the Indian State of Orissa

Abstract

Recent years have witnessed a process of integration of the Indian Union within the new international economic order, characterised by the ascendance of neoliberalism. Orissa, historically one of the Indian states mostly affected by severe poverty and economic stagnation though richly endowed with natural resources, has enthusiastically endorsed the neo-liberal project, implementing all the relevant national policies related to it. In the last 15 years, while the economic policy of the State of Orissa has been thus increasingly shaped according to the neoliberal guidelines recommended by the Centre, the disturbing socio-economic scenario of the State has not changed significantly. This paper aims to highlight how specific power relations in the State of Orissa are reproducing themselves in the course of the transition of the Indian Union towards the neoliberal order. This paper aims to consider as an example of this process the privatisation policies in the mining sector, namely the main economic sector of Orissa. Moving from the fundamental role historically played by Orissa within the Indian Union as a supplier of raw materials to the pan-Indian market, the paper intends to highlight the rentier character of the Orissan dominant class, traditionally capable of performing a basic intermediary function in the provision of raw materials to the Indian market. Once taken into account the socio-economic role historically played by the local dominant class in Orissa within the context of the wider capitalist dynamics at work at the all-Indian level, the paper will focus on the scenario which came into being since the start of the neoliberal economic reforms in 1991. The major shifts in the mineral policy at the central level since 1991 will be taken into account and, within this context, the implementation of privatisation policy in the mineral sector in Orissa will be analysed, with special reference its socio-economic implications. The paper aims to highlight the way in which the State of Orissa has broadened its traditional role, becoming an important supplier of raw material not only to the all-Indian market, but to the international market in general. It will be argued as well that, in continuity with the past, the intermediary function of the local dominant class in this process has remained fundamental. Therefore the paper aims to argue that the current scenario supports the proposition that the unfolding of neoliberal dynamics in Orissa opened the way for the creation of new spaces of social reproduction for the local dominant class and, with them, for the reproduction of old relations of power and social domination in the State.     

The Social Ontology of Fear and Neoliberalism

Fear is a primal instinct; it is a survival mechanism the evolution of which allowed the early humans, indeed all species to adapt, evolve, and survive. When humans moved into settled communities with more advanced means of production, the nature of fear—much like the nature of social relationships—changed. Once the means of social reproduction were secured, fear became less necessary as a survival instinct and more useful as a heuristic device. Fear evolved. Fear cannot be characterized solely as a socially constructed phenomenon, nor as the instinctual response to personally felt traumas. The growth and nature of fear must be studied as a process that develops under its own inertia, feeding off its antecedent past, and as a phenomenon that is shaped by and in turn shapes its institutional setting. Fear should be understood as both structurally determined and socially transformative. This research seeks to examine the ontology of fear, specifically as it relates to neoliberalism.     

Homo Oeconomicus Returns: Neoliberalism,Socio-Political Uncertainty and Economic Policy

The aim of this paper is to discuss how neoliberal policy is changing the way people conceive of the economy and of society. After a brief outline of the main features of neoliberal policies, it argues that neoliberalism does not consist in a mere set of wrong economic theories or in the plain reflection of vested interests. It is a full-fledged view of how society should be organized. The paper then argues that these policies and the ideology that backs them up determine major institutional changes which affect economic, social and polity-related variables but also the general understanding that peo-ple have of the economy and of society. More specifically, it enhances uncertainty about one’s future and favors a non-solidaristic view of social relations. These changes tend to prejudge the effectiveness of employment policies and to reinforce the neolib-eral consensus. The conclusion is that it is not possible to conceive of an appropriate macroeconomic policy unless institutional changes are taken into account that trans-cend macroeconomics as such and re-establish the social underpinnings for that policy. These include changes in how the economy is coordinated but also changes in the bar-gaining power of workers and citizens relative to business.     

The Social and Geopolitical Origins of State Transformation: The Case of South Korea

Recent debates surrounding state transformation in East Asia have tended to examine either how transformations in domestic social relations undermined the efficacy of the developmental state, or how mobilisation of coercion and consent at the international level led to the adoption of neoliberal policies. Through an examination of the case of Korea, however, this article seeks to move beyond this division between ‘domestic’ - and ‘international’ - centred analyses to provide a framework wherby mutually constitutive transformations taking place both at the level of social relations of production and at the level of the international order can be integrated to produce a conjunctural analysis of state transformation. Through deploying Gramsci's concept of passive revolution, an analysis of social and geopolitical underpinnings of korean late development is provided in order to provide an alternative explanation of the causes and nature of transition towards the neoliberal state since the latter part of the twentieth century.     

Neoliberal Entrenchment of North Atlantic Capital. From Corporate Self-Regulation to State Capture

After the financial crisis of 2007–8, neoliberal capitalism by all appearances has entrenched instead of being displaced. Its political–economic programme or ‘comprehensive concept of control’ continues to hold society in thrall. This was different in the crisis of 1974–5 when the corporate liberalism of the postwar years and its industry-centred class compromise were beginning to be replaced by finance-led neoliberalism and a compromise with asset-owning middle classes. Under corporate liberalism, real capital accumulation was protected from the ‘rentier’/‘money-dealing’ fraction of capital associated with speculative investment; neoliberalism has allowed its resurgence. Large corporations in the first phase of the transition (‘systemic neoliberalism’) embarked on a strategy of transnational restructuring no longer dependent on 1960s-style state support. In the process, financial group formation, here measured by dense director interlocks (≥2) amongst the largest corporations in the North Atlantic economy (where this type of corporate governance obtains), was intensified. The resurgence of money-dealing capital and rentier incomes in the 1990s led to a decline in real accumulation (‘predatory neoliberalism’), and after the crisis of 2007–8, to a demise of the financial group structure of Atlantic capital as the network of dense interlocks radically thins out and capital comes to rely on states again, this time to protect it from a democratic correction of the neoliberal regime and with state autonomy greatly reduced by public debt.     

Freedom and the Strong State: On German Ordoliberalism

Ordoliberalism is the theory behind the German social market economy. Its theoretical stance developed in the context of the economic crisis and political turmoil of the Weimar Republic in the late 1920s. It is premised on the strong state as the locus of liberal governance, and holds that economic freedom derives from political authority. In the context of the crisis of neoliberal political economy and austerity, and debates about the resurgence of the state vis-à-vis the economy, the article introduces the ordoliberal argument that the free economy presupposes the exercise of strong state authority, and that economic liberty is a practice of liberal governance. This practice is fundamentally one of social policy to secure the sociological and ethical preconditions of free markets. The study of ordoliberalism brings to the fore a tradition of a state-centric neoliberalism, one that says that economic freedom is ordered freedom, one that argues that the strong state is the political form of free markets, and one that conceives of competition and enterprise as a political task.     

The Role of Nonattenuated Rights in Positive Economics: A Critical Appraisal

This article assesses the institutionalist elements of Friedrich Hayek's neoliberal political economy by presenting his views on the entangled relations between the state and markets in capitalism. Through the analysis of Hayek's work, the article contributes to further consolidating the view that neoliberalism is an ideological project of institutional transformation which, despite some enduring myths, has an irreplaceable role for a state with many important functions in a more limited democracy. Markets, for their part, are politically contested social constructions that depend on previous non-market institutions for their existence and legitimation. This paper argues that Hayek's work corroborates this institutionalist claim.     

社会主义与统一多民族国家的国家建设(1947-1965)

在民族区域自治制度的奠基过程中,通过社会主义宗旨所要求的贯彻群众路线、培养少数民族干部,成功促进了中央政府和各族人民群众的直接沟通;通过让各族人民群众翻身当家做主、改善民生福祉等社会主义性质的政治举措,形塑起各族人民群众对党和国家发自内心的认同;通过民族平等之制度前提、社会主义经济制度等制度性组织模式,以及相关具体实践途径,实现了中国各族人民大团结;在社会主义国家单一制、人民共和、中国共产党领导的制度基础之上,民族区域自治成功地将国家内部的不同民族凝聚成为具备有机整体结构的中国人民,呈现为一种促进沟通、赢得认同、实现团结、巩固统一的统一多民族国家的国家建设过程。因此,民族区域自治成功实现清末以来统一多民族国家之国家建设质的飞跃的制度要义,恰在于社会主义这一国家根本制度。     

State enforcement of federal standards: Implications for interstate pollution

This paper explores the relationship between interstate air pollution and the division of power between federal and state agencies in setting and enforcing standards. In the context of the US Clean Air Act we argue that the EPA is able to monitor the adoption of technology-based standards more closely than it can monitor state-level enforcement, and that this causes an effective division of control between federal and state agencies. Our analysis offers three main insights into the interstate pollution problem in this setting. First, states have an incentive to enforce standards less stringently on firms located close to downwind borders, and this leads to excessive interstate pollution in equilibrium. Second, there can arise an inherent substitutability in the regulatory problem between strict standards and compliance effort, and this creates a strategic linkage between the federal policy on standards and state policies on enforcement. In particular, a tighter federal standard can induce less selective enforcement but can also lead to less enforcement overall. Third, states will attempt to neutralize the impact of location-based federal standards (that specifically target interstate pollution) in a way that actually exacerbates the underlying enforcement problem.     

Bargaining with Multinationals: Why State Capacity Matters

Dominant models of bargaining between states and multinational corporations (MNCs) have widely held that bargaining relations, especially in high-technology manufacturing, have changed from confrontational to cooperative. It is consequently argued that there is little formal entry bargaining among these actors. However, there are three primary weaknesses in this literature. First, the understanding of outcomes is limited to the terms of investment agreements. This static view ignores the dynamics of bargaining processes and decisions not to invest, which also deserve explanation. Second, it is MNC-centric, ignoring state's privileged role in relation to the governance of entry bargaining in domestic policy-making processes. Third, it views state as a monolithic entity, ignoring the bargaining that occurs inside states. To redress these issues, this article offers a state-centric bargaining model. It identifies administrative and institutional capacity as two critical components of state capacity. It chooses the entry bargaining from 2005, when Hyundai Motors Corporation considered establishing a USD1.5 billion car-manufacturing plant in Turkey. It shows that state capacity in the governance of a domestic policy-making process affects the outcome of entry bargaining: When state capacity is weak, an MNC's decision not to invest is a more likely outcome.