Reviewing Proposals for a World Environmental Organisation

Since the Earth Summit in Rio 1992, several calls have been made for a world environmental organisation (WEO), and only during the last year, in the run‐up to Rio+10, five more have been added. In total, we have found 17 proposals for a WEO. We review, compare, and briefly discuss rationales, models, tasks, organisational set‐up, relations to multilateral environmental agreements (MEAs) and organisations such as UNEP and the WTO, as well as the role of principles, compliance and the interest of developing countries. We conclude that a majority of proposers is in favour of an autonomous coordinating agency, that is, a medium level of integration. Frequently the WTO is mentioned as a precursor agency on which a WEO should be based. We question the effectiveness of a ‘WTO for the environment’ and suggest that other models ought to be considered.     

An Asian Perspective on a World Environmental Organisation

We analyse the possible response from Asian developing countries (ADC) to the proposal for the formation of an international legal entity called World Environmental Organistion (WEO) designed to facilitate the internalisation of global environmental externalities. We argue that the WEO must recognise the fundamental indivisibility of the economic growthenvironment agenda in these countries. If suitable side payments in the shape of tariff concessions, relaxation of non‐tariff barriers and transfers of technology and cash are made and the WEO is seen to be relevant to the environmental problems of ADC, they may well participate in such a venture.     

The Role of GATT/WTO as a Commitment Device in the Presence of a Time Lag: Free Trade,Time‐consistent Tariff Policy and Market Size

We consider whether a free trade policy is superior to tariff policies in the presence of a time lag between production and trade decisions. We show that the preferable choice between a free trade policy and a time‐consistent tariff policy depends on the market size of the importing country. However, because a free trade policy itself is not necessarily credible in the presence of a time lag, the importing country requires an international organisation such as GATT/WTO as a commitment device. Accordingly, employing a non‐cooperative game approach, we analyse under what conditions becoming a member of such an international organisation is a subgame perfect Nash equilibrium and show that free trade under the GATT/WTO regime is Pareto improving for the importing and exporting countries.     

A World Environmental Organisation: The Wrong Solution to the Wrong Problem

The starting point for a discussion of reform of the global environmental machinery should be an enquiry into the causes of the ineffectiveness of current arrangements. The argument made here is, firstly, that many of the criticisms made of the existing architecture by advocates of a WEO are misplaced, while ignoring other key faults. Secondly, that the suggested form of a WEO is problematic and may exacerbate existing problems, particularly for developing countries. I focus here more on the notion that a WEO should pursue the internalisation of environmental externalities. I argue that while this goal is worth pursuing, proposals for a deal‐brokering body are unlikely to make much progress in delivering it because of misplaced assumptions about the existing political order and the ability of a WEO to remedy current weaknesses.     

MEAs与WTO的潜在冲突:案例研究、理论分析和对策

目前,MEAs和WTO之间发生实质性冲突的可能性越来越大,已经对全球贸易体制与环境体制构成了严峻的挑战。本文从案例研究的角度探讨了MEAs与WTO产生潜在冲突的根本原因,从法学理论的角度分析了《多哈部长宣言》和“多哈发展回合”的缺陷与不足,并提出了协调MEAs与WTO关系的对策和建议。     

Revitalising Multilateral Trade Governance

The WTO provides extensive flexibility for members to engage with each other. Using this, WTO members should identify a road map for the future and a work programme to update and expand the rulebook to address trade-distorting nontariff policies that are not or only partially covered by current WTO rules.Expanding the WTO rulebook, accepting greater reciprocity and improving the organisation’s operation are necessary for revitalising the WTO.     

WTO争端解决程序的适用规则——多边环境保护公约能否成为适用规则

WTO争端解决机制的专家组和上诉机构能否根据MEA和一般国际法处理冲突的规则优先适用MEA,并认定一项根据MEA所采取的贸易限制措施不构成对WTO法的违反呢?为回答这一问题,本文首先确认,现行WTO法将争端解决机制的适用规则严格限制于WTO适用协定,即根据其实体管辖权,专家组和上诉机构专门受理根据适用协定所提起的申诉,不能受理根据MEA或其他实体国际法而提起的申诉。因此,MEA或其他实体国际法不能成为适用规则。其次,通过分析对这一问题的赞成与反对意见,对包括MEA在内的实体国际法的限定性适用,本文提出了支持的观点,认为前者更有利于克服当今世界国际法的"碎片化"现象。     

多边贸易体制2010年年终盘点及2011年展望

2010年是世界经济缓慢复苏的一年。在全球失业率居高不下的阴霾中,多边贸易体制又经历了一年保护主义重压的考验,喜忧参半。本文以WTO秘书处最近公布的若干报告和开展的研讨会讨论内容为基础,对当前世界贸易环境和多边贸易体制下多哈回合的谈判情况予以综述,强调WTO成员需采纳秘书处意见、在多边贸易体制下理性看待全球贸易不平衡问题;需认识到历经9年的共同努力多哈回合谈判已经成果颇丰;需加强忧患意识、全力以赴在2011年完成多哈回合谈判。     

World Environmental Organisation: A Latin American Perspective

This paper offers insight into environmental problems that Latin American countries are currently facing. It also looks at how their domestic and global spheres are intertwined, and subsequently outlines pending roblems that would need international support from a World Environmental Organistion (WEO). One of the hardest and most important tasks of such an Organisation would be to render the Northern and the Southern environmental agendas compatible. While opinions concur on what the principle environmental problems in Latin America are – eforestation and natural resources degradation – the perception of these problems is quite different between North and South. For the former, the most important impact of the situation is the reduction of CO2 capacity and the biodiversity loss, while the main concern in Latin America is the poverty stricken economy behind the deforestation process and the vulnerability of the population that results from such phenomenon. Advancing simultaneously on both these tracks seems essential for a genuine improvement in environmental performance in the region.     

Der deutsche Leistungsbilanzüberschuss

Persistent and significant current account imbalances are often seen as one of the greatest threats to the global economy and a catalyst for protectionist tendencies. Germany is often criticised for running a high surplus. However, economists disagree about whether and to what extent the German current-account surplus is excessive and which policy measures could help to rebalance the current account. The authors argue that the German current-account surplus is a global phenomenon and hence requires in addition to economic policies that could stimulate investment activity in Germany an internationally coordinated approach. Taking into account the specific circumstances of a country, the WTO could act as an institutional framework to deal with global imbalances. In particular the WTO’s Trade Policy Review Mechanism could be further developed into a forum for coordinating members’ trade policy and for agreeing on reciprocal measures among members. The concrete design could be based on other established international mechanisms, such as the European Semester.     

WTO争端解决机制在“贸易与环境”问题上的裁量标准——对“中国—原材料出口限制案”的思考

WTO争端解决机制在处理与环境问题有关的贸易争端方面已具备一定经验,但近年来,国际环境情势的变迁,使这一机制不得不考虑其作为人类事务逻辑链上一环的作用,认真审度"贸易与环境"问题的裁量标准,"中国—原材料出口限制案"或是一次挑战性的尝试。本案中,该机制既要依循WTO规则保障申诉方的贸易权益,也要考虑被诉方国内环境政策的目标和价值,为此,须着力解决好一些左右其裁量标准、进而影响其裁决结果的根本性问题。     

Input trade liberalisation,institution and markup: Evidence from China's accession to the WTO

This paper investigates the effects of input trade liberalisation on firm markups and assesses how institutional environment affects such impacts by using Chinese firm‐level data. To identify the causal effects, we exploit the quasi‐natural experiment of China's WTO accession in 2001 and perform difference‐in‐differences estimation. The results show that input tariff liberalisation leads to a substantial increase in firm markups, and institutional environment significantly strengthens such an impact. We further uncover the underlying mechanisms through which input tariff liberalisation boosts firm markups, and show that both price and cost channels work for the input tariff cut effect on firm markups, of which the latter is much more important. In addition, we also demonstrate that input tariff cut significantly fosters aggregate markup growth, and the reallocation effect is found to be an important channel through which input tariff liberalisation boosts aggregate markup growth.     

论WTO的“硬法”约束与“软法”治理

在全球治理的理念指导下,晚近国际组织经常采取一种"软硬兼施"的立法模式或治理方式,WTO就是其中的一个典型代表。作为推动贸易自由化的国际组织,WTO更多地表现了它对GATT的发展和扬弃,体现了"硬法"约束的法律权威性。这主要表现"一揽子"协议的安排模式、对"祖父条款"的废除、较强的执行力。为了协调各成员方的利益,使WTO更具吸引力,同时也使WTO的判决更具时代性和先进性,WTO采用了"软法"治理的机制,这主要表现在:第一,"法庭之友"的介入,客观上实现了WTO机制对贸易与环境、贸易与人权等议题的采纳与接受;第二,国际标准被"柔性"地添加到WTO的规则之中;第三,宽泛、模糊的例外条款对过于"刚性"的义务起到了很好的"缓冲"作用;第四,模糊的优惠条款留给发达成员方权利与自由;第五,WTO对某些敏感问题的"软处理"态度,使得有关成员方有机会挑战WTO的制度约束。为了最大限度地保护本国外贸利益,中国应当学会利用WTO这种"软硬兼施"的治理模式:积极参加WTO各项议题的谈判,积极主导或参与国际标准的制定,大力发展本国非政府组织、积极参与非政府间国际组织的活动。     

WTO贸易援助制度构建的必要性研究

贸易援助作为WTO的一项倡议,在其实施4年以来暴露出许多不足之处,且该倡议实施期限具有不确定性。贸易援助可以帮助发展中国家克服各种阻碍贸易的限制性约束,充分发挥贸易对于经济增长和降低贫困的重要作用,必须长期开展贸易援助。WTO作为全球性贸易组织,决定贸易援助只有在WTO体系内才能更为有效、全面、根本的展开。为使贸易援助长期实施并解决目前贸易援助倡议中存在的问题,必须在WTO体系内构建贸易援助制度。     

Canada's Anti‐dumping and Safeguard Policies: Overt and Subtle Forms of Discrimination

Like many countries in the international trading system, Canada repeatedly faces political pressure from industries seeking protection from import competition. I examine Canadian policymakers’ response to this pressure within the economic environment created by its participation in discriminatory trade agreements such as the North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA). In particular, I exploit new sources of data on Canada's use of potentially WTO‐consistent import‐restricting policies such as anti‐dumping, global safeguards and a China‐specific safeguard. I illustrate subtle ways in which Canadian policymakers may be structuring the application of such policies so as to reinforce the discrimination inherent in Canada's external trade policy because of the preferences granted to the United States and Mexico through NAFTA.     

危机“余孽未消”,贸易增长将放缓——世界贸易2010年回顾及2011年展望

根据世界贸易组织(WTO)秘书处最近公布的世界贸易报告概要,世界贸易在经历了2009年高达12.2%的实际降幅(为70多年来最大之降幅)之后,却迎来了2010年高达14.5%的恢复性实际增长,又一举创下多边贸易体制自1950年开始贸易统计以来的最大增幅。对于2011年的世界贸易,WTO预测其增长将放慢至温和但更正常的6.5%,但由于世界金融危机和经济衰退的影响余孽未消,加上近期中东和北非等世界重要石油产区的动荡局势以及东日本大地震的影响,其增长前景尚有诸多不确定性,因此,如总干事拉米所言,"维稳"应成为今年的关键词。2010年,中国依然保持世界商品出口第一和进口第二的位置,并在世界商业服务的进出口中的地位均又有所上升。     

重创后的复苏——世界贸易2009年回顾及2010年展望

根据世界贸易组织(WTO)秘书处最近公布的世界贸易报告概要,由于受世界金融危机和经济衰退的影响,2009年,世界贸易总量经历了70多年来最大的下降,实际降幅达到12.2%,名义降幅则更是高达23%。而2010年世界贸易则有望实际增长9.5%,其中,发达国家的商品出口可能增长7.5%,发展中国家可能增长11%。2009年,中国商品出口尽管也遭遇-16%挫折,但首次取代德国成为世界最大出口国,而进口则独一无二地没有下降,甚至实际上还有小幅增长,中国在世界商品和商业服务的进出口地位均有所上升。不过,世界贸易要真正实现恢复性增长,不仅有赖于世界经济的恢复性增长,还需要借助于WTO多边贸易体制有效抵制贸易保护主义的压力。     

China’s WTO Accession and Long-Term Profitability of Chinese Firms

As emerging economies integrate their markets with the rest of the world, competition-driven changes in profitability are increasingly affected by shocks of various types from the business environment. We examine the dynamics of profitability distributions under such conditions using China’s WTO accession as a natural experiment to carry out before and after comparisons. Our results suggest that after WTO accession, the long-run (ergodic) distribution of conditional profitability rates of Chinese firms has become more dispersed. Due to the large proportion of firms at the poor performance end, this suggests that the financial stability of the Chinese economy will be endangered if the business environment were to deteriorate. There is an urgent need to reduce the widening span of the distribution of profitability at the lower end by accelerating the restructuring of Chinese companies.     

Backward stealing and forward manipulation in the WTO

Motivated by the structure of WTO negotiations, we analyze a bargaining environment in which negotiations proceed bilaterally and sequentially under the most-favored-nation (MFN) principle. We identify backward-stealing and forward-manipulation problems that arise when governments bargain under the MFN principle in a sequential fashion. We show that these problems impede governments from achieving the multilateral efficiency frontier unless further rules of negotiation are imposed. We identify the WTO nullification-or-impairment and renegotiation provisions and its reciprocity norm as rules that are capable of providing solutions to these problems. In this way, we suggest that WTO rules can facilitate the negotiation of efficient multilateral trade agreements in a world in which the addition of new and economically significant countries to the world trading system is an ongoing process.     

Triage? Assessing the EU’s Modernisation Proposals for the WTO

According to the European Commission (EC), the WTO is struggling to credibly remain the go-to place for trade negotiations.1 Indeed, after the Commission stated its concerns, EU-Ambassador to the WTO Marc Vanheukelen commented that if the organisation does not take measures to move forward, the result would be “the demise of the rules-based trading system”.