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1.
"美国—影响中国家禽产品进口的某些措施"案是中美贸易争端中首起直接涉及WTO《卫生与植物检疫措施协定》(《SPS协定》)的争端。此争端源于美国国会依据《2009年综合拨款法案》第727条禁止美国农业部制定从中国进口家禽产品的规则。本争端涉及3个核心问题:一是SPS措施的认定问题;二是专家组的管辖权(职能范围)问题;三是SPS措施的对等承认问题。但归根结底第727条违反了WTO非歧视性原则。该争端说明,推进我国与其他国家(包括美国)检验检疫机制的对等互认是我国稳定和扩大外贸出口的重要手段。  相似文献   

2.
WTO争端解决机制自生效以来,以其高效的纠纷解决和具有约束力的裁决一直被认为是维护多边贸易体制的重要力量。尤其是争端解决中设立上诉机制,开创了国际争端解决两审终审的先例,这使得WTO体制下的争端解决与其他国际体制下的争端解决相比,更加凸显其公正性与有效性。然而,由于个别成员的阻挠,上诉机构于2019年12月10日因到期离任的成员不能够及时得到增补而陷于"停摆",无法继续受理上诉案件。上诉机构停止运作会给WTO的争端解决机制走向带来很大的不确定性,但是世贸组织争端解决机构不会停止工作,多边贸易体制也不会因此陷入崩溃。  相似文献   

3.
From 1948 to 1994, the agricultural sector was afforded special treatment in the GATT. We analyse the extent to which this agricultural exceptionalism was curbed as a result of the GATT Uruguay Round Agreement on Agriculture, discuss why it was curbed and finally explore the implication of this for EU policy making. We argue that, in particular, two major changes in GATT institutions brought about restrictions on agricultural exceptionalism. First, the Uruguay Round was a ‘single undertaking’ in which progress on other dossiers was contingent upon an outcome on agriculture. The EU had keenly supported this new decision rule in the GATT. Within the EU this led to the MacSharry reforms of the Common Agricultural Policy (CAP) in 1992, paving the way for a trade agreement on agriculture within the GATT. Second, under the new quasi‐judicial dispute settlement procedure, countries are expected to bring their policies into conformity with WTO rules or face retaliatory trade sanctions. This has brought about a greater willingness on the part of the EU to submit its farm policy to WTO disciplines.  相似文献   

4.
作为WTO"皇冠上的明珠"的争端解决机制一直是保障多边贸易体制的正常运行的中流砥柱,在缓解、消除全球贸易摩擦与冲突中起到重要作用。然而随着特朗普政府引领的美国"强权主义"回归,挑战了WTO争端解决机制的权威性,对上诉机构的干扰致使上诉机构几近瘫痪。在此背景下本文在对1995-2019年WTO争端案件发展趋势详细分析的基础上,着重研究了特朗普执政以来全球以及中美之间的贸易争端案件。通过对案件和当前WTO争端解决机制发展的最新事态的分析,本文进一步剖析了当前全球贸易争端机制存在的问题以及我国的应对之策,以期能对我国贸易利益的保护有所助益。  相似文献   

5.
文章在回顾相关研究的基础上考虑四阶段WTO争端解决程序,根据WTO争端案例结案时长不等的特点和多阶段策略选择难以量化的性质,建立WTO贸易救济措施争端解决绩效动态非平衡面板数据模型,运用系统GMM检验,对WTO贸易救济措施争端解决绩效进行了实证分析。结果表明:积极援引WTO争端解决机制是能够在一定程度上挽回贸易损失的,尤其是双方在争端解决过程中达成的磋商解决、请求专家组中止工作、相互满意解决或者败诉方执行WTO决定等均对申诉方出口贸易具有促进作用;尽快结案将有利于申诉方,而WTO争端解决案件的持续时间越长,越不利于申诉方。  相似文献   

6.
《SPS协定》要求成员通知卫生与植物卫生法规,以贯彻透明度原则。WTO成员可评论措施,促进规则的国际完善。欧盟积极履行了透明度义务,通知了欧盟层面和成员国层面的上述措施,但也存在若干问题,例如欧盟很大程度上依靠科学证据是否修改规则。由于欧盟组织机构的复杂性,通知制度带有一定的模糊性,但相当程度上促进了国际贸易的发展,完善了国际食品安全法律规则。  相似文献   

7.
在GATT时代,日本在争端解决机制中比较被动,败诉相对较多。到了WTO时代,日本开始积极参与WTO争端解决机制,积极运用这一机制维护日本的国际贸易利益,并取得了较大的成功,出现了胜多败少的局面。日本这一变化的内在动力来自日本以入世为契机成功实现了贸易政策从以往的保护主义向自由贸易转换,可以在WTO争端解决机制舞台上以自由贸易的形象示人,并为此进行了WTO争端解决机构上诉机构大法官的人事布局,一直保持了日本人的上诉机构大法官的席位。日本的这一成果可以为我国所借鉴。  相似文献   

8.
On 31 March 2011, the World Trade Organisation’s Dispute Settlement Body circulated the final Panel Report on US subsidies for the aircraft manufacturer Boeing. The long expected decision marks a turning point in the biggest trade dispute in WTO history, but its interpretations diverge substantially: both the United States and the European Union have claimed a “sweeping” victory, and yet both parties appealed parts of the Panel Report in April 2011. In addition, the Airbus Appellate Body Report in the Airbus case, which was issued on 18 May 2011, reversed many of the Panel’s findings against the EU. Which WTO-inconsistent subsidies did the Dispute Settlement Body find and what is the outlook for the future?  相似文献   

9.
在法律法规未明文规定上游补贴规则的情况下,我国商务部直接运用他国相关规则进行反补贴救济,其法理依据只能是国际法上的对等原则。但在欧美对华反补贴并未适用上游补贴规则的前提下,我国在对欧美反补贴救济中运用该规则并不符合对等原则的一般适用条件。而在对WTO成员适用对等原则时,还有可能不符合对等原则的特殊适用条件。尽管作为一种策略选择,我国在寻求缓解国际贸易摩擦的过程中仍可灵活运用该原则,但前提是必须注意把握对等原则的适用边界和WTO的基本精神,追求在WTO争端解决机制下的国家利益最大化。  相似文献   

10.
The SPS Agreement and the related WTO dispute settlement mechanism are an important first step in strengthening the global trade architecture, bringing in greater transparency and orderly conditions to world food trade. However, implementation of the new trade rules has turned out to be a more complex task than the traditional market access issues handled by the WTO. Several factors, including inadequate financial and technical resources, have constrained devel‐oping countries from becoming effective participants in the implementation process, and there is widespread suspicion that SPS regulations are being used as hidden protectionist devices by developed countries. However, despite all the problems, some developing countries have been quite successful in penetrating developed country food markets; they have done so by accepting the consumer preferences and standards in quality‐sensitive high‐income markets and implementing domestic supply‐side measures. While making full use of available international assistance initiatives, developing countries should view the task of complying with SPS standards not just as a barrier but also as an opportunity to upgrade quality standards and market sophistication in the food export sector.  相似文献   

11.
欧盟与中国等部分世贸组织成员近期公布了之前达成的《根据DSU第25条的多方临时上诉仲裁安排》及其附件1和附件2。在WTO上诉机构结束停摆之前,这些成员若对专家组一审裁决不服,可以此作为再次审议的临时安排。WTO争端解决机制是一个有机整体,其制度设计有其独到之处和内在逻辑。用仲裁代替上诉,从程序上看,争端解决似乎也是经历两审程序,但是这与原先的"两审终审"有本质区别。这种区别不仅体现在上诉与仲裁制度本身的差异上,也体现在裁决的执行力方面。事实上,根据临时仲裁安排作出的裁决执行能否援引WTO争端解决机制是有争议的。临时仲裁安排既不是部分成员达成的诸边贸易协议,也不是对DSU的正式修改,其法律性质带有很大的不确定性,执行力自然也会遭到质疑。世贸组织目前面临的问题不单是争端解决的程序问题,其背后同时折射出许多实体问题。程序问题必须与实体问题一并解决,这才是迎接多边贸易体制挑战、改革WTO规则的正确方向。  相似文献   

12.
2008年7月18日,世界贸易组织(WTO)争端解决机构专家组公布了中国影响汽车零部件进口措施案的裁决报告,我国在此次争端中败诉。我们认为,不应以贸易争端胜诉或败诉作为判断中国应对WTO是否成功的关键,从贸易争端中获得经济利益是最重要的,我国应该继续利用WTO争端解决机制为我国汽车整车产业和零部件产业提供支持。同时我们也应注意采取更有策略性的贸易措施来保护国内产业。  相似文献   

13.
万丽 《北方经贸》2021,(3):38-41
按照《中国入世议定书》的规定,中国加入WTO15年期满后,即自2016年12月11日起,在对华反倾销调查中,世贸组织所有成员国停止使用"替代国"的做法。欧盟为了履行WTO义务,在2016年11月9日提出了修改反倾销和反补贴规则提案,该提案提出了以"市场严重扭曲"概念替代原立法中的"非市场经济地位"的反倾销新方法。2017年12月19日,欧盟公布了《反倾销基础条例》的一个修正案(第2017/2321号条例),删除了有关"非市场经济"国家的规定,确定了市场扭曲的概念,规定了反倾销的特殊计算方法。在存在严重扭曲的情况下,反倾销新规中计算正常价值的新方法使用未被扭曲的价格和成本来构造正常价值,而不使用出口国国内价格和成本,本质上是一种变相的"替代国"方法。本文借助辽宁紫光成功应诉欧盟热轧钢板桩反倾销案,深入探讨欧盟反倾销新方法,并提出相应的对策以促进中欧间经贸关系持续、健康地发展。  相似文献   

14.
WTO体制下,贸易报复是争端解决的最后保障,但WTO争端机制旨在解决成员之间的争端,因此,要赋予私人请求本国政府对另一国家进行贸易报复的权利,仍然需要国内立法.目前,各主要大国都通过国内立法赋予本国国民权利,以请求本国政府对另一国家进行贸易报复,为争端解决的国内程序和国际程序的衔接提供了基础,使得本国国民可以通过国内程序启动WTO的争端解决程序.与美欧相比,我国关于贸易报复的立法和实践经验均不甚丰富,确实需要借鉴较为完备的美欧立法,完善我国的有关法律制度.  相似文献   

15.
欧盟对华贸易逆差问题研究   总被引:6,自引:0,他引:6  
在中国与欧盟贸易高速发展的同时,欧盟对华贸易逆差不断扩大。本文运用来自欧盟、世界贸易组织以及中国国内的大量统计数据,对欧盟对华贸易逆差的成因进行解析。分析表明:欧盟的经济政策与欧元的持续升值、中国产业结构的调整、欧盟对华贸易“逆差集中效应”,以及欧盟全球化配置资源的需要促成了欧盟对华贸易逆差不断扩大,这四大因素将对未来欧盟与中国的贸易产生持续的影响。  相似文献   

16.
Japan's recent trade policy is sometimes characterised as ‘aggressive legalism’ in the sense that it aggressively utilises the multilateral trade rules embodied in the Marrakesh Agreement Establishing the World Trade Organisation in dealing with disputes with its trade partners. This policy may appear to be a marked departure from Japan's past practice of favouring bilateral, non‐legal settlement of trade disputes. Upon closer examination, however, while Japan has been moderately active in using the WTO dispute settlement process for resolving its trade disputes, it behaves more like a country that resorts to surgical strikes on selected targets (usually the United States) under a powerful cover of the European Community. Compared to Japan, Korea's attitude in the WTO is more aggressive. While the Japanese Ministry of Economy, Trade and Industry (METI) is not content with the status quo and is seeking to expand its aggressiveness in the WTO dispute settlement mechanism, it faces an uphill battle. One of the difficulties facing trade officials in Japan may be the lack of a national system for lodging WTO complaints, open to any citizens or firms, like Section 301 of the US Trade Act of 1974 or the European Trade Barriers Regulation. Nonetheless, in the historical context, Japan is far more aggressive than in the past in utilising the rules of the GATT/WTO to advance its national interests. It will never revert to the infamous practice of bilateralism and grey area measures.  相似文献   

17.
Developing countries have been increasing their participation in the formal institutions and proceedings of the multilateral trading system. A prominent example is their more frequent involvement as defendants and plaintiffs in GATT/WTO trade disputes. This paper provides an initial economic appraisal of developing country performance in the GATT/WTO dispute settlement system. We measure the economic resolution of these disputes through trade liberalisation gains, and our results suggest that developing country plaintiffs have had more success under WTO disputes than was the case under the GATT. We also document evidence on potential determinants of this success: the capacity for plaintiffs to make credible retaliatory threats and the guilty determinations by GATT/WTO panels. Finally, there is also some evidence that developing countries have recognised the importance of retaliatory threats and have responded by changing their pattern of dispute initiation under the WTO to better take advantage of the instances in which they have sufficient leverage to threaten retaliation and induce compliance with GATT/WTO obligations.  相似文献   

18.
中国与WTO争端解决:2011年回顾与2012年展望   总被引:2,自引:0,他引:2  
本文总结了2011年内中国参与WTO争端解决实践的总体情况,并对2011年内中国作为申诉方、被申诉方参与的磋商案子、专家组阶段案子、上诉机构案子做了概述。文章还就2012年中国可能面临WTO争端解决的3起案子做了预测,这3起案子涉及稀土、出口信贷和汽车反倾销和反补贴措施。  相似文献   

19.
This paper examines the political economy of Estonian trade policy in the 1990s. Estonia is a unique case in the world economy, in that the country rapidly implemented unilateral free trade after regaining independence and sustained it right through the 1990s. We analyse the circumstances, interests, ideas and institutions that have shaped Estonian trade policy during the past decade. Our stress is on institutions, particularly the national decision‐making setting for trade policy. Through this prism we try to understand how a free trade regime was implemented and sustained, and what this experience suggests for the feasibility of tree trade elsewhere. We also look at the increasingly ‘multi‐track’ nature of Estonian trade policy through bilateral free trade agreements, WTO accession and, especially, the movement towards EU accession. Although the other trade policy tracks to some extent provide a lockin for unilateral reforms, we argue that EU accession is undermining the simple, classical liberal trade policy regime that existed during the 1990s.  相似文献   

20.
Sanitary and phytosanitary (SPS) measures are one form of non‐tariff international trade barrier with the objective of requiring consumer and intermediate goods to be safe and to provide information to protect consumers from deceptive practices. However, such barriers could severely restrict trade. The central strategy of the World Trade Organization's (WTO) SPS Agreement is to use science to distinguish between those SPS measures consistent with the Agreement and those in violation of the Agreement. SPS measures belong to what is known as trans‐science questions or questions which can be asked of science and yet which cannot be answered by science. Because of the presence of scientific uncertainty, science policies adopted by members should be identified by the WTO. WTO panels should not, however, establish scientific policies. Prohibitive measures would seem rather incompatible with the role the WTO assumed trying to promote free trade. Rather, facilitating the distribution of available information regarding SPS and food safety risk, or a lack of it, to consumers in importing countries would help them to make better informed decisions according to their own preferences and risk aversion.  相似文献   

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