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1.
李海乐 《价值工程》2012,31(23):270-271
为提高高校体育场馆的综合效益,从节约型社会的视角,对我国高校体育场馆开发利用现状进行了系统的分析和研究,针对存在的问题提出相应对策,最终结合实际情况,提高我国高校体育场馆利用效率和收益,使其更好地为社会服务。  相似文献   

2.
The distributive theory of politics predicts that federal budget allocations will be responsive to the committee position of congressmen and their majority/minority party status. But such political allocations are less likely where bureaucrats rather than legislators make the allocative decisions. In such cases we must take into account bureaucratic motivations as well. Niskanen's bureaucratic budget maximization theory emphasizes such bureaucratic maximands and the efficient production of output or activity by the budget constrained bureau. In this paper the two theories are tested using data from the Urban Development Action Grant program, a capital subsidy program operated by the Department of Housing and Urban Development. A set of political and bureaucratic decision criteria is employed as independent variables in a series of logit and Tobit models in order to predict the likelihood of projects being funded and the amounts they will receive. The political criteria are not significant in any specifications, but the bureaucratic criteria suggest an investment-maximizing, risk-avoidance strategy on the part of HUD bureaucrats. Thus the results support the Niskanen theory, but do not support the distributive theory.  相似文献   

3.
Although recognized as a defining feature of the current political era, populism and its implications for non-market strategy remain undertheorized. We offer a framework that (a) conceptualizes populism and its progression over time; (b) outlines the risks populism generates for firms; and (c) theorizes effective nonmarket strategies under populism. Our framework anchors the political risk profile of populism in three interdependent elements: anti-establishment ideology, de-institutionalization, and short-term policy bias. These elements jointly shape the policymaking dynamics and institutional risks for firms under populism. Our analysis shows how firms can calibrate two nonmarket strategies – political ties and corporate social responsibility – to mitigate populism-related risks. We specify how particular configurations of political ties and CSR activities, aimed at the populist leadership, bureaucrats, political opposition, and societal stakeholders, minimize risk under populism. Further, we theorize how the effectiveness of specific attributes of political ties and CSR – namely their relative covertness (more vs. less concealed) and their relative focus (narrowly vs. widely targeted) – varies as a function of firm type (insiders vs. outsiders) and the probability of populist regime collapse. Finally, we address how motivated reasoning may bias firms' assessments of regime fragility and resulting strategy choices.  相似文献   

4.
文章基于我国现行的工程招标投标制度,对现行工程体系中的如串标、假资质、工程多层肢解发包等不合理现象运用制度经济学的原理进行分析,认为现行体系可以从竞价、交易成本、委托代理和契约4方面进行分析,并提出相应对策。  相似文献   

5.
《Economic Systems》2008,32(4):354-371
This paper studies exchange rate regime choice from a positive perspective by modeling the interplay of monetary and fiscal policy, credibility and financial market microstructure as factors influencing the decision on de facto regime. The model shows how a small open economy reliant on foreign sources of financing is likely to opt for a stable regime. Furthermore, a stable political environment with a high degree of accountability is conducive to choosing a flexible regime. The findings suggest that flexible rather than fixed exchange rate regimes provide more fiscal discipline.  相似文献   

6.
This study aims to explore the variables affecting the project system vulnerability to political risks in international construction projects. A questionnaire survey was conducted and 138 responses were received from both academia and industry. The exploratory factor analysis was then adopted to uncover the relationships among these variables. The results showed that three exposure factors (i.e., attribute‐based exposure, strategy‐based exposure, and transaction‐based exposure) and three capacity factors (i.e., core competitive capacity, relative bargain capacity, and integrate adaptive capacity) were believed to be the significant underlying factors for the project system vulnerability to political risks. Also, case studies were conducted and the results indicated that the emergent framework was suitable and tractable for application in the future. This study provides a method for measuring the project system vulnerability to political risks; thus, international construction enterprises can decrease their risk exposure and enhance their capacity for dealing with political risks in international construction projects.  相似文献   

7.
The present paper investigates the role of political institutions — namely, political regimes and electoral rules — in shaping the capacity of the government to implement policies that address citizens’ preferences, i.e., “good governance”. The empirical analysis, conducted on a panel of 80 democratic countries over the period 1996–2011, shows that the performance of the government depends on the interaction between electoral rules and political regimes. In particular, the performance of a government under a presidential regime improves when associated with a majoritarian electoral rule, while it worsens with a proportional electoral rule.  相似文献   

8.
The right to the city concept has recently attracted a great deal of attention from radical theorists and grassroots activists of urban justice, who have embraced the notion as a means to analyze and challenge neoliberal urbanism. It has, moreover, drawn considerable attention from United Nations (UN) agencies, which have organized meetings and outlined policies to absorb the notion into their own political agendas. This wide‐ranging interest has created a conceptual vortex, pulling together discordant political projects behind the banner of the right to the city. This article analyzes such projects by reframing the right to the city concept to foreground its roots in Marxian labor theory of value. It argues that Lefebvre's formulation of the right to the city — based on the contradiction between use value and exchange value in capitalist urbanism — is invaluable for analyzing and delineating contradictory urban politics that are pulled into the vortex of the right to the city. Following Lefebvre's lead in such an analysis, however, reveals certain limitations of Lefebvre's own account. The article therefore concludes with a theoretical proposition that aims to open up space for further critical debate on the right to the city.  相似文献   

9.
文章对汇率制度选择内生性的实证研究文献进行了详尽的梳理总结。研究发现:理论假说中所提到的影响因素对汇率制度选择都有着非常重要影响,但是这些影响因素对汇率制度选择的影响方式取决于国家的特点和汇率制度本身的特点,即经济发展水平不同的国家在选择汇率制度的时候有着不同的侧重点考虑;而债务美元化、政府任期和政治体系的类型等因素,对于名义汇率制度和实际汇率制度这两种具有不同特点汇率制度又有着完全不同的影响方式。  相似文献   

10.
当前中国农村社会转型过程中最突出的政治现象是农民的非制度政治参与。它源于农村经济体制改革,与农村传统政治思想、历史文化积淀、自然地理特点、阶层结构变迁等密切相关,并对农村基层政权建设和社会政治稳定产生重大影响。如何把农民的非制度政治参与逐步转变为合法有序的制度化政治参与,不仅是目前农村民主政治建设过程中亟待解决的现实问题,而且也是建设社会主义新农村过程中值得深入探讨的理论问题。  相似文献   

11.
“参与式”理论起源于20世纪40年代,20世纪80年代后期随着一个国际援助项目的开展传入我国,并得到空前发展,广泛应用于政治、经济、文化、社会领域“高等学校实行学分制是深化教育改革的必然趋势,地方院校大多从20世纪90年代中期开始实行学分制,但由于各种主客观原因,各学校推行学分制遇到了诸多障碍。文章从分析地方院校推行学分制遇到的共性问题入手,结合目前的教学条件和办学模式,对地方院校推行学分制下参与式教学模式作了探讨。  相似文献   

12.
Using a sample of 110 countries over the period 1984–2013, this paper examines the impacts of country risks on choosing a specific exchange rate regime (first by utilizing the Levy-Yeyati and Sturzenegger de facto classification and then robusting it by the IMF de jure measurement) relative to other regimes via the panel multinomial logit approach. Empirical findings are as follows. First, in the full samples case we provide evidence that government is more likely to implement a flexible regime, but less likely to adopt a fixed regime, under a low level of composite and financial risk. Second, we find that Eurozone countries are more likely to choose a fixed exchange rate regime with a decrease in the level of country risk and favor a flexible regime in response to a shock from an increase of risk, which is opposite to non-Eurozone countries. Third, we note that high-risk countries are more likely to choose a fixed regime with a low level of composite and political risk in the government, but do not adjust the exchange rate regime as a shock absorber when facing economic and financial risks. It is interesting to see that those countries with relatively low risk display almost opposite results versus high-risk economies. Overall, we believe that it is critically important to account for political economy variables in a government’s exchange rate policy decisions, especially for country risks. All results are robust to the panel ordered probit model.  相似文献   

13.
区域规划是大都市地区公共服务供给的重要工具。区域规划需要法律、制度化的政治和财政为基础,其制度化程度越高,公共服务的效率就越高。美国双城地区的大都市理事会,作为有效区域规划机构的典型,其发展证明了州政府是区域规划机构有效运行、大都市区公共服务有效供给的关键因素。  相似文献   

14.
This paper attempts to understand how price volatility affects the political transition of a resource-rich nation. Two states reflect price volatility: ‘high prices’ and ‘low prices’. We argue that whether or not political transition (i.e., a switch from one regime to another) will take place in a particular state depends critically on the kind of goods a country produces. If the main economic activity in a country is the extraction of “point-source” resources such as oil that demands capital-intensive production, the opportunity cost of switching the existing regime does not alter if the price of the resource changes but the benefit becomes more lucrative. Therefore, the incumbent group is most vulnerable during ‘high prices’. If the main economic activity of the nations is the production of “diffused resources” such as coffee that requires labor, prices do affect the opportunity cost. Nations concentrating in these commodities face acute political crisis during downturns.  相似文献   

15.
姚冬梅 《价值工程》2008,27(6):35-37
利用集对分析理论从高校思想政治理论课教学系统的同一、差异、对立三方面描述、分析和处理其中的确定性和不确定性。通过对随机抽取的200名学生的问卷调查和同异反联系数的计算分析,认为在高校思想政治理论课教学中学生的不确定性感受是影响思想政治理论课教学效果的一个重要因素,调控思想政治理论课教学中不确定性的关键在教师。  相似文献   

16.
Why is there so little money in contributions to political action committees (PAC) in United States’ politics? While there may be several explanations for this puzzle, we consider corporate PAC contributions as an insurance-like instrument that induces firms’ expectations of safeguard at times of grave need, with the 2008 credit crunch as a case in point. Given the unlikely occurrence of a credit crunch, few financial firms invest in PAC contributions. However, we find firms that make PAC contributions may gain ex ante benefits of corporate PACs as protection from financial distress by undertaking profitable but risky projects that later become illiquid assets while requiring the bailout money during the 2008 credit crunch. We also find that both consistent PAC investments over election cycles and subsequent lobbying activity to corporate PACs further allow firms to utilize their political ties as safeguard and demand additional bailout money. Our instrumental variable analysis confirms that firms with prior experience in political investments are found to enhance the likelihood and effectiveness of PAC contributions and related political investments.  相似文献   

17.
段焰 《价值工程》2010,29(22):222-223
在新的历史时期,要增强思想政治理论课教学的说服力和感染力,提高其针对性、目的性和实效性的关键是高校思想政治理论课教师应做出新的角色定位。一名优秀的思想政治理论课教师,必须是学科教师、人生导师、心理健康教育教师三者的高度统一,文章对此做了全面的分析和论述。  相似文献   

18.
组织政治氛围是员工离职倾向的重要前因变量,但现有文献还未对这种关系及作用机制进行系统研究。基于资源保存理论,引入员工沉默作为中介变量,以政治技能作为调节变量,构建被调节的中介模型,探讨组织政治氛围对员工离职倾向的影响机制。通过线性回归、Bootstrap等方法对328份样本进行实证分析,结果表明:组织政治氛围正向影响员工离职倾向,员工沉默在该过程中起部分中介作用;政治技能负向调节组织政治氛围与员工沉默之间的关系,政治技能负向调节了员工沉默在组织政治氛围与离职倾向之间的中介效应。  相似文献   

19.
杨璐  向喜琼 《价值工程》2012,31(17):1-3
滑坡灾害治理方案的优劣直接影响到工程造价的高低、实施效果的好坏,但方案选择是一个复杂的系统过程,目前这类项目决策实践中采用的方法均存在一定的主观随意性。价值工程是国际上通行的一种项目决策分析方法,在产品设计、项目决策等诸多领域都得到了广泛应用,但尚未有在滑坡治理方案比选方面的应用。本文在回顾总结价值工程原理、分析滑坡治理工程特殊性的基础上,指出滑坡各治理方案的功能可视为固定,从而可将价值工程简化为寿命周期成本分析,据此提出了运用寿命周期成本分析进行滑坡治理方案的基本思路和步骤。实例研究表明,这一方法不仅较传统方法客观可靠,而且评价过程简便明了,对类似项目决策具有一定的借鉴意义。  相似文献   

20.
A bstract Traditional neoclassical theory treats the economic sphere as if it can be detached from its surrounding social and political environment. It assumes connections between the social/political spheres and the economic sphere are weak, and no change of significance occurs in the social and political environment during the period considered Social and political conditions are treated as "given" and, more often than not, the conditions of this given environment are neither specified nor studied A broader economics is needed
The Virginia School has represented a connection between political control and distributive outcomes with its rent-seeking analysis The flaw in their argument, that exposes their ideological bent, is their failure to extend the analysis to the distributive impact of control in the social sphere. This piece is an attempt to make that extension, and to demonstrate that a specific historical case, women s experience in World War II , cannot be fully understood without bringing that social dimension into the analysis  相似文献   

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