中共一大为何在上海法租界举行

1921年7月23日,中国共产党第一次全国代表大会在上海法租界望志路106号（今兴业路76号）举行。时隔90年,后人不禁要问,为什么一大会在法租界举行？是巧合,还是另有缘由？     

中共一大代表的人生归宿

1921年7月23日,中共一大在上海召开。参会代表右：李达、李汉俊（上海）,张国焘、刘仁静（北京）,毛泽东、何叔衡（长沙）,董必武、陈潭秋（武汉）,王尽美、邓恩铭（济南）,陈公博（广州）,周佛海（旅日）,包惠僧（陈独秀委派）。共产国际代表马林和尼科尔斯基列席会议。他们后来的人生道路截然不同,大致有三种归宿。     

从夹缝中找出路 在困境中求发展——记腾飞中的渤油一中

天津市滨海新区塘沽渤海石油第一中学是一所由企办转制国办的完全中学,始建于1972年,2009年7月正式归地方国办,1990年作为企办校率先进入天津市高级重点中学行列。该校现有教职工113人,研究生13人,本科学历75人。2010-2012年度被塘沽教育局命名区级学科带头人5人,学校占地15000平方米,操场3758平方米。两座教学楼,一座实验楼,一座体育馆,另外还有一座综合办公楼。     

百年惠高

广东惠阳高级中学,位于东江之畔。她的前身是创办于1901年的“惠州府学堂”,素有“东江文化摇篮”之美誉,几经更名,1954年定名为“广东惠阳高级中学”。学校环境幽静雅致,校舍建筑古色古香,典雅秀丽,令人赏心悦目。堪称钟灵毓秀,是一所历史悠久、文化积淀丰厚、教育业绩辉煌,久负盛名的粤东名校。     

中共一大代表：邓恩铭

邓恩铭（1901—1931）,原名恩明,字仲尧,化名黄伯云、佑民、又铭。贵州省荔波县人,水族。1917年秋,邓恩铭因家计艰难,投奔在山东做官的二叔。同年10月,考入济南山东省立第一中学。     

办一流学校 育一流人才——记陕西省重点高中榆林市一中

陕西省榆林市第一中学创建于1956年，新校园座落在历史文化名城榆林市湖滨北路，学校占地面积86万平方米，建筑面积35万平方米：有教职工174名，其中教学人员155名，学历全部达标，     

结合实际不断提升校园文化品位——德令哈市一中校园文化建设纪实

校园是培养人、教育人的地方,同时又是各种文化互相交织的地方,利用好这一影响学生成长的重要场合,对学生形成正确的思想和行为、抵御各种不良思潮的侵蚀具有十分重要的意义.德令哈市第一中学在校园文化建设中,以社会主义荣辱观为导向,以学生为主体,以建设优良的教风、学风、校风为核心,以绿化、美化、亮化校园环境为重点,以丰富多彩、积极向上的校园文化活动为载体,让学生在日常学习生活中接受先进文化的熏陶和文明风尚的感染.     

1923年，青岛有了党组织

五四运动以后,马克思主义得到广泛传播,一批具有初步共产主义思想的知识分子逐渐认识到需要建立一个以马克思主义为指导思想的工人阶级政党来领导革命。1921年7月23日,中国共产党第一次全国代表大会在上海举行,标志着中国共产党的诞生,给灾难深重的中国人民带来了光明和希望。     

珍贵的一、二大文件如何“保留”下来

由俄文翻译的一大文献1921年7月,中国共产党第一次全国代表大会在上海召开,一个改变旧中国历史命运的伟大政党诞生了。在这次大会上产生了三份重要文件。但由于战争和历史原因,中国国内的档案原件都未能保存下来。     

成都十八中:银杏深处的风景

过去篇一桃李芬芳创于1946年的成都市十八中学校,是一所省级重点中学,位于成都市一环路西二段白果林小区内,校园环境优美,教学设施完育交流中心建立了友好合作关系,接待了美国、日本、新加坡、台湾、香港等国家和地区的考察团。并且,学校派出留学生,交换教师,     

川南名校:泸县二中

高山追求挺拨的气度与威仪,流水寻觅涌动的智慧和神韵,教育,则渴求铸造一部大气磅礴的文化经典。作为泸县乃至泸州市的一部教育经典,在薪火相传中走过了60载风风雨雨的泸县二中以它骄人的历史和可以预见的美好未来吸引了我们的目光。解读这部经典,无疑将会为我们提供若干富于启示性的思想火花。解读这部经典,我们会不无感动地发现,一代代泸二中人在“一切为了学生,为了一切学生,为了学生的一切”的办学理念的支持下,积攒出了“治学严谨,学习勤     

第四大滚派——“烟钟”中国古典钟

年间,清宫中开始仿制钟表,乾隆时期是中国宫廷钟表制造的鼎盛时期,清宫做钟处成为全国规模最大、生产钟表造价最高、装饰最为豪华的生产中心。这个时期皇宫制作的钟表统称为“御制钟”。     

THE EMERGENCE OF THE ASIAN MIDDLE CLASSES AND THEIR CHARACTERISTICS

The middle classes in Asian countries, which emerged rapidly in environments that were significantly different from those in the West, share some common features, but differ from one another on a number of other counts. Important among the similarities is that their nation‐building efforts after independence were perforce ambivalent in that, while pursuing economic growth in condensed ways, they tried to maintain the integrity of the state by emphasizing traditional values. On the other hand, they differ from one another in terms of the peculiarities of the preconditions they faced when launching development, the social structure specific to each, and the time at which and the strategy under which they began to pursue economic growth. These factors have brought diversity into the Asian middle classes' development processes and characteristics This paper examines the diversity of the middle classes that are now in a process of emergence in Asia.     

CORRUPTION AND THE COMPOSITION OF TAX REVENUE IN MIDDLE EAST AND AFRICAN ECONOMIES1

Regression results from a panel of 53 Middle East and African economies suggest that corruption has a quite large negative and statistically significant impact on tax revenues, mainly reflecting the impact of corruption on tax collections from social security, and taxes on domestic goods and services and international trade transactions. Policy changes to boost tax revenues might usefully focus on changes in direct taxes and efforts to combat corruption in tax collections should focus on indirect taxes.     

THE EMERGENCE OF THE MIDDLE CLASSES AND POLITICAL CHANGE IN THE PHILIPPINES

This article provides a study of the middle classes in the Philippines. First, the process of their emergence was examined in relation to that of Philippine industrialization, which started in the 1930s but from the 1960s progressed slowly and was accompanied by the expansion of the tertiary industries and informal sector. Then, the composition and characteristics of the middle classes, including their relatively small population size, distinctness from the lower classes, and internal diversity were analyzed. Finally, based on the data of the middle‐class‐centered organizations formed during the anti‐Marcos struggle, their political aspects were discussed, with emphasis placed on the new pattern of political participation which appeared after the Aquino assassination.     

一个职业学校的“人才制造”

如何让职业教育更有吸引力?山东龙飞技工学校以道德教育引领技能学习,多种形式联合办学解决了每一个学生的就业问题,走出了一条职业学校特色发展之路.     

THE EMERGENCE AND POLITICAL CONSCIOUSNESS OF THE MIDDLE CLASS IN SINGAPORE

Singapore is an example showing that economic development, the affluence it creates, the emergence of a large middle class do not inevitably lead to liberal democracy. This study examines the present situation and problem of Singapore's middle class. It first describes the emergence and the characteristics of this class. It then examines the political control of the People's Action Party government, which has crushed democratic movements in the bud, and the government's discriminatory policies, such as in education and housing, which favor the growing middle class. Lastly, it discusses new problems that are arising from the middle class's mammonism and resultant political passivity In conclusion, this study foresees that to keep the supply of material goods flowing to the middle class, the government will have to push for even greater economic development, which means that the role of the state in Singapore is likely to become even greater than before.     

THE GROWTH OF THE KOREAN MIDDLE CLASS AND ITS SOCIAL CONSCIOUSNESS

The middle class in the Republic of Korea grew quickly in the course of the country's rapid economic growth. This paper analyzes the characteristics of Korea's new and old middle classes by examining the socioeconomic conditions, experience of mobility, and social consciousness of the people in these classes Analysis shows that many people presently in these well‐off classes have experienced intra‐ and intergenerational mobility. While the old middle class is greatly open to both inter‐ and intragenerational inflow, the new middle class is close to intragenerational inflow. The probability of reaching the new middle class is greatly affected by one's level of education, however, education level largely depends on one's class origin. It is also shown that the Korean new middle class has a comparatively progressive social consciousness. However, people's political attitudes are determined not by one's position in the class structure but by nonclass factors, such as one's age, education level, and native region.