国际组织援助非洲近况

据不完全统计,1986至1987年,有关国际组织向非洲42个国家共提供123亿8225.1万美元的援助。其中,世界银行提供990032.03万美元;国际开发协会提供157412.79万美元;国际农业发展基金提供29606.67万美元;世界粮食计划署提供21522.79万美元;联合国开发计划署提供19017.66万美元;联合国粮农组织提供8018.22万美元;联合国儿童基金会提供6179.40万美元;国际金融公司提供5350万美元;世界卫生组织提供360万美元;国际开发研究中心提供156.24万美元;联合国环境基金会提供500万美元;联合国环境计划署提供69.60万美元。接受援助国家的情况分别为:     

英国对非洲援助特点

近几年,英国对非洲的出口大大下降。英国考虑到持续的经济压力给非洲国家带来的商业后果,曾寻求欧洲经济共同体各国财政部长的支持,建议将债务宽限期和偿还期延长15—20年,并降低利率,乃至部分贷款转为赠款,以便让非洲国家重新安排债务。到1987年末,     

奥地利对非洲的援助

一、奥非关系及对非援助与英、法及其他一些欧洲国家不同,奥地利在非洲从未有过殖民地,它与非洲国家的政治经济关系从60年代才开始发展。目前,奥地利在非洲13个国家中设有大使馆,而在奥地利维也纳有大使馆的非洲国家仅8个。奥地利对非洲的财政和技术援助主要集中在撒哈拉以南的国家,近三年来尤其集中在最不发达国家较多的下列三个地区: (一) 东非援助项目主要有发展区域性基础设施及关于农业、能源、培训和卫生方面的双边合作。受援国有卢旺     

西方国家对非援助新特征与国际协调

非洲已成为国际援助的热点地区,近年来的八国首脑会议上均有援助非洲的新承诺,今年上半年先后召开的印非首脑会议、非洲发展东京国际会议等首脑会议均宣布了一系列国际援非新举措.在加大援助力度的同时,西方国家加强了援助协调工作,系统整理西方国家对非援助的理念与特征,分析西方国家对援外的协调举措对于我国援非工作有一定的参考意义.     

国际社会对津巴布韦的援助及其借鉴

一、津巴布韦近年经济社会发展状况及受援需求津巴布韦属低收入国家,自1999年起,津巴布韦经历了十年严重的经济衰退,通货膨胀惊人,2009年经济开始恢复,当年GDP增长5.7%。2010年,GDP增长     

西方国家对非洲的援助

一长时期的殖民统治使整个非洲大陆大大落后于其他各洲的发展水平。工业薄弱,农业单一,科技落后,人民贫困仍然是今天非洲的普遍状况。虽然从殖民统治下独立出来已30多年,但由于各方面基础差,加上国际形势的不利及国内政策、自然条件等因素,大多数非洲国家发展缓慢,贫穷落后的面貌改变不大。它们建设资金匮乏。     

对援助非洲的若干思考

对援助非洲的若干思考蔡玲明（外经贸部国际经济合作研究所）国际上对非洲的援助主要是从６０年代非洲走向独立后开始的。政治上的独立为经济发展创造：条件，但长期的殖民主义统治使大多数非洲国家，特别是撒哈拉以南非洲国家处于极端落后和贫困之中，成为世界上最不发达...     

我国对非洲的农业援助

我国对非洲的经济援助中,农业援助是一个重要的组成部分。我国向非洲提供农业援助始于60年代初,在六七十年代得到长足的发展。至今,我国对非洲的农援项目达80多个,占我国对外农援项目总数的一半。农业问题是第三世界的普遍问题,而粮食问题在非洲国家尤为突出,因此,我国对非洲的农业援助中历来把解决吃饭问题放在首位,先后为坦桑尼亚、马里、毛里塔尼亚、乌干达、索马里、塞拉里昂等9个非洲国家建成了15座农场,其中大部分是经营粮食生产的稻谷农场,个别是甘蔗、茶叶农场,以缓解受援国供应紧缺的食糖、茶叶等商品。其它     

欧洲经济共同体援助非洲近况

据不完全统计,1986年至1987年初,欧洲经济共同体向非洲40个国家提供了121笔援助,共计19.72919亿欧洲货币单位,合22.7452亿美元,其中:安哥拉:接受5笔援助,共计11603.94万欧洲货币单位.其中,8240万(指欧洲货币单位,下同)用于发展粮食自给和更新公路网;867.4万用于工业建设项目;250万农业紧急援款用于购买种子、机器、工具和支付运费;425万元无偿援款用于拉米比省的鱼市场;1821.54万用于修建海军码头和种植甘蔗.     

国际对非洲农业援助与中非农业合作政策建议北大核心SSCI

农业是中国对非援助的重要领域之一,但以输出经验为主的农业援助方式有其局限性,应借鉴国际多双边机构对非农业援助的形式,提高援助的效率和可持续性,为实现“建设命运共同体”发挥更大作用。本文梳理了2016年以来国际多双边机构对非农业援助的6种主要类型,并根据项目类型分析其主要特点和发展趋势,借鉴国际机构对非农业援助特点,提出下一步中国开展援非农业项目的建议。     

Lobbying and the international fight against tax havens

Despite a variety of measures taken by high‐tax countries, the international fight against tax havens so far remains rather ineffective. This paper introduces offshore lobbying as a possible explanation for this observation. The author analyzes the international fight against tax havens in a two‐country model, in which the onshore country exerts pressure on domestic profit‐shifting firms and the tax haven's government lobbies against this measure. In this framework, he finds that pressure and lobbying are strategic substitutes and that there is an extensive margin incentive for offshore lobbying. Furthermore, when starting at initially high costs for profit shifting, a reduction in these costs leads to fewer profit‐shifting firms. Finally, when allowing for a second low‐tax jurisdiction, the overall level of lobbying increases, but less than proportionally.     

西方国家发展援助评价的原则及实践

西方国家一般都相当重视利用评价手段管理对外援助，在实践过程中各国均形成了各自的管理模式。1992年经合组织发展援助委员会制订了成员国援助项目评价的统一原则，旨在使各国的援助机构在评价管理和评价方法上达成共识，分享经验教训，推进提高援助项目评价的管理水平，进而改善援助效果。目前西方各国的援助评价管理根据“原则”不断完善，具体做法上仍各具特色。在我国加入WTO之际，了解西方的管理方法，或洋为中用，或方便沟通，应是有所裨益的。本文将归纳分析发展援助评价的原则、功能及其与实践结合的现状和趋势。评价原则1.援助…     

Pooled Mean Group estimation on international capital mobility in African countries

This paper investigates the relationship between the savings and investment rates for 37 African countries over the period 1970-2006, using the recently developed Pooled Mean Group cointegration technique. Our results show that in the long-run, capital was relatively mobile in African countries, while, in the short-run, coefficients are not significant. However, there are marked differences in ratio retentions between country groups. The savings retention coefficient is higher in civil law countries than in common law countries. Furthermore, our results show that the Feldstein-Horioka coefficient is relatively lower in non-CFA than in CFA countries. These results have some policy implications.     

Growth and poverty in developing countries

Despite the developing countries' impressive aggregate growth of the past 25 years, its benefits have only reached the poor to a very limited degree. Not only have the poorest countries grown relatively slowly, but growth processes are such that within most developing countries, the incomes of the poor increase much less than the average. Although many policies have been proposed to counter these trends, little has been done to estimate the possibilities for significantly reducing world poverty within a reasonable period. This paper develops a quantitative framework to project levels of poverty under different assumptions about GNP growth population growth and changes in income distribution. Although the interactions among development processes and policy instruments are not modelled in any detail, the results serve to clarify the nature of the problem. The policy simulations demonstrate that the elimination of absolute poverty by the end of this century is a highly unlikely prospect; even to achieve a substantial reduction will require a combination of policies designed to accelerate the growth of poor countries, to distribute the benefits of growth more equitably, and to reduce population increase.     

Foreign aid and governance in Africa

This paper investigates the effect of foreign aid on governance in order to extend the debate on foreign aid and to verify common positions from Moyo’s ‘Dead Aid’, Collier’s ‘Bottom Billion’ and Eubank’s ‘Somaliland’. The empirical evidence is based on updated data from 52 African countries for the period 1996–2010. An endogeneity robust instrumental variable Two-Stage-Least Squares empirical strategy is employed. The findings reveal that development assistance deteriorates economic (regulation quality and government effectiveness) and institutional (corruption-control and rule of law) governance, but has an insignificant effect on political (political stability, voice and accountability) governance. While, these findings are broadly in accordance with Moyo and Collier on weak governance, they neither confirm the Eubank position on political governance nor the Asongu stance on the aid-corruption nexus in a debate with Okada and Samreth. The use of foreign aid as an instrument to influence the election and replacement of political leaders in Africa may have insignificant results. It is time to solve the second tragedy of foreign aid and that economists and policy makers start rethinking the models and theories on which foreign aid is used to influence economic, institutional and political governance in recipient countries.     

International aid and financial crises in donor countries

The recent global financial crisis placed new economic and fiscal pressures on donor countries that may have long-term effects on their ability and willingness to provide aid. Not only did donor-country incomes fall, but the cause of the drop — the banking and financial-sector crisis — may exacerbate the long-term effect on aid flows. This paper estimates how donor-country banking crises have affected aid flows in the past, using panel data from 24 donor countries between 1977 and 2010. We find that banking crises in donor countries are associated with a substantial additional fall in aid flows, beyond any income-related effects, at least in part because of the high fiscal costs of crisis and the debt hangover in the post-crisis periods. Aid flows from crisis-affected countries are estimated to fall by 28% or more (relative to the counterfactual) and to bottom out only about a decade after the banking crisis hits. In addition, our results confirm that donor-country incomes are robustly related to per-capita aid flows, with an elasticity of about 3. Findings are robust to estimation using either static or dynamic panel data methods to account for possible biases. Because many donor countries, which together provide two-thirds of aid, were hit hard by the global recession, this historical evidence indicates that aggregate aid could fall by a significant amount (again, relative to counterfactual) in the coming years. We also explore how crises affect different types of aid, such as social-sector and humanitarian aid, as well as whether strategic interaction among donors is likely to deepen or mitigate the fall in aid.     

Foreign aid preferences and perceptions in donor countries

We present original survey data on preferences for foreign aid in 24 donor countries from 2005 to 2008. On publicly-funded foreign aid (Official Development Assistance, or ODA), we find patterns that are consistent with a standard model of democratic policy formation, in which donations are treated as a pure public good. Controlling for perceptions of current ODA, we show that individual preferences for ODA are (i) negatively correlated with relative income within a country-year; and (ii) positively correlated with inequality at the country level. We extend the analysis to explain variation in the gap between desired aid and actual ODA, arguing that lobbying by high-income special interest groups can divert resources away from the median voter’s preferred level of aid. Consistent with this, we observe that ODA is significantly lower where policymakers are more susceptible to lobbying. Finally, we present a novel test of competing “crowding out” hypotheses. Self-reported private aid donations are negatively correlated with actual ODA, and positively correlated with perceived ODA. This finding is consistent with an emerging argument in the literature, whereby ODA crowds out private aid by enabling charities to forego fundraising activities and crowds in private aid through a signaling channel.     

Trade,poverty, and social protection in developing countries

How do shifts in trade affect social protections for the poor? Although the fraction of the world's population considered the “extreme” poor has fallen by over one-half over the past quarter century, many of those lifted above the global poverty line remain vulnerable to shocks that could place them back into poverty. These are the groups that require social protection to stabilize their incomes. Among the shocks to which the absolute poor have been exposed are those created by trade liberalization, particularly of the agricultural sector. The resulting risks, uncertainties, and threats to social stability from this type of trade require that the poor be provided with some forms of adjustment assistance. We examine the effects of trade components on several dimensions of social protection in developing countries, including spending, coverage, and adequacy over the past two decades. We find that, contrary to previous studies, disaggregating trade may be a key to determining which international market variables drive expansion of social protection. Disaggregating trade balances in agricultural vs. manufactured goods reveals that net food and agricultural exporters provide better social protection than countries that report agricultural trade deficits. Meanwhile, countries with manufacturing trade surpluses tend to experience reduced social protection coverage. We reason that governments of net agricultural exporters face incentives to invest in social programs that extend eligibility to the rural poor. Manufacturing export-driven economies, on the other hand, are likely participants in global production chains that limit the capacity of the public sector to extend social protection.     

The World Bank and the persistence of poverty in poor countries

William Easterly has written a book about why extensive development assistance over the course of decades failed to alleviate poverty in poor countries. As an economist at the World Bank, Easterly observed how resources and advice provided by the Bank failed to improve the lives of the poor in poor countries. Easterly considers different explanations for the development failures. He places the blame for persistence of poverty in poor countries on governments and political elites, who use their poor as hostages to personally benefit from aid resources and debt relief.     

The impact of unemployment on inequality and poverty in OECD countries

The purpose of this research is to examine the contribution of unemployment to income inequality and poverty in various OECD countries. These relationships have been explored using Luxembourg Income Study micro-data. Considerable differences across OECD countries are revealed through the use of within-household unemployment distributions. These differences help to explain most of the observed divergences in the relationship between unemployment and income distribution, in conjunction with the heterogeneous influence of social benefits on the economic position of the unemployed in these countries. A sub-group decomposition analysis corroborates the limited effect of unemployment on income distribution in most of the considered countries. However, it seems clear that the unemployed are among those with the highest risk of experiencing poverty.
JEL classification: D31, I32, J31.