Elites and the expansion of education in nineteenth‐century Sweden

A large literature emphasizes that elite capture of political institutions hampered the spread of mass schooling in the nineteenth and twentieth century. We collect new data on investments in elementary education and the distribution of voting rights for more than 2,000 local governments in nineteenth‐century Sweden and document that educational expenditure was higher where the distribution of political power was more unequal. In particular, areas governed by local landed elites—even those where a single landowner had de jure dictatorial powers—invested substantially more in mass schooling relative to areas where political power was more widely shared, or where it lay in the hands of capitalist elites. Our findings lend quantitative support to an earlier literature produced by economic and social historians which argues that landed elites advanced mass schooling as part of their historical role as patrons of the local community and as a response to the increasing proletarianization of the rural population, while also furthering our understanding of how Sweden maintained a high level of human capital despite its low level of economic development and restricted franchise in the nineteenth century.     

论奥运会中的政治介入

现代奥林匹克运动会是当今世界上规模最大、影响最广、层次最高的竞技体育赛事,它是为了促进全世界人民相互了解,缓解战争和提倡世界和平的世界性民众聚会。但是由于它自身的特点及其发展,从它诞生之日开始就成了各种政治力量利用的舞台,它虽力图超越政治但却无法摆脱政治对它的影响。     

Sterling's farewell symphony: The end of the Sterling Area revisited

When and why did Sterling Area countries stop holding sterling as the majority of their foreign exchange reserves? This paper takes a comparative approach to examine the relative importance of various determinants of adherence to sterling in its declining years as an international currency. Using an original cross-national panel dataset covering the period 1965–79, we conduct survival analysis which systematically evaluates a comprehensive set of economic and political factors, at the country level as well as in international relations, about when and why countries chose to diversify their reserves away from sterling. Our results highlight the significance of international transactional factors in influencing adherence to sterling, while the effects of British geopolitical retrenchment, Commonwealth cultural ties, and distributional issues were more ambiguous and sensitive to local conditions. We also find that domestic political and historical factors, such as democracy and imperial legacy, played a role in sterling's international unravelling. Finally, we use our results to examine the experience of individual sterling countries and their decisions to diversify.     

论高校教师信仰在大学生思想教育中的作用

高校在对大学生进行马克思主义基本理论和思想政治教育中,教师的信仰起着举足轻重的作用.有科学的马克思主义信仰的教师能够保证授课内容的方向正确性、原则准确性,在教学过程中产生强大的驱动力和影响力,其言传身教对学生产生正面的、积极的引导作用.而缺乏科学的马克思主义信仰的教师则会在教学中带来消极的、负面的影响.所以,必须加强高校师资队伍建设,高校教师必须树立坚定的马克思主义信仰.     

压力型体制与中国官员的降职风险:基于事件史分析的视角

以往对官员的研究主要集中在讨论影响官员晋升的因素上,文章利用事件史分析的方法讨论官员的降职风险。利用2000-2012年间市委书记的数据发现,首先,官员年龄与是否离任密切相关,特别年轻与特别年长的官员都面临较大的降职风险;其次,官员在任期间的经济绩效对降职风险影响显著,并且这一影响与官员的政治关系密切相关。被上级下派到地方加以培养锻炼的官员所面临的降职压力较小,而其他官员则需要努力提升经济绩效才能确保自己不会被降职淘汰。此外,文章还发现晋升风险概率与经济绩效之间并不存在类似的关系,说明晋升的机制可能更为复杂。     

管理学科应关注职场政治现象

在企事业单位的办公室内以及商业活动等职业活动场所,均存在职场政治现象;职场政治与公民政治之间既有联系,又存在区别;对职场政治现象进行总结和研究,形成有利于职场政治正常发展的规则.因此,职场政治应成为管理学科教学研究的有机组成部分.     

The Value of Political Ties Versus Market Credibility: Evidence from Corporate Scandals in China

This paper compares the value of political ties and market credibility in China by examining the consequence of corporate scandals. We categorize Chinese corporate scandals by whether the scandal is primarily associated with the destruction of (i) the firm's political networks (political scandals), (ii) the firm's market credibility (market scandals), or (iii) both (mixed scandals). Consistent with our hypothesis that scandals signaling the destruction of political ties are associated with greater losses in firm value than scandals signaling the destruction of market credibility, we find that the stock market reacts more negatively to political and mixed scandals than to market scandals. In addition, the greater negative market reactions associated with political and mixed scandals are primarily driven by firms that rely more on political networks. We also find that, compared to market scandals, political and mixed scandals lead to larger decreases in operating performance, greater reduction in loans from state‐owned banks, and higher departure of political directors.     

Do local firms employ political activities to respond to political uncertainty?

Using hand-collected data in China from 2001 to 2019, we examine how political uncertainty affects corporate political activities, including corporate corruption and corporate charitable donations, and whether the anti-corruption campaign moderates the relationship between political uncertainty and corporate political activities. First, we find that when city government officials change, local firms significantly increase corporate charitable donations while reducing corporate corruption. Second, the anti-corruption campaign strengthens the effects of political uncertainty on corporate political activities. Third, our results also show that political uncertainty has stronger effects 1) when new government officials come from external appointments, and 2) when former government officials experience abnormal turnover. In addition, the effects of political uncertainty on corporate charitable donations are stronger in non-state-owned enterprises and firms belonging to regulated industries. Finally, political uncertainty increases firms’ government subsidies through corporate political activities. It’s clear that political activities have mediating effects.     

Does Competition Lead Firms to Bribery? A Firm-Level Study in Southeast Asia

Economists have paid close attention to economic development in Southeast Asia, where corruption and bribery are believed to be ubiquitous. In this article, we study the reasons why firms bribe. Specifically, we study the effects of the competition encountered by Southeast Asian firms on their bribing behavior. This article focuses on two types of bribing behavior: (1) informal payments given to the government so that it will ignore rule violations and (2) informal payments to the government to secure a contract. Using firm-level and country-level data from Cambodia, Indonesia, Laos, Myanmar, the Philippines, and Vietnam between 2009 and 2014, we find that the market competition will increase bribing behavior, while political competition within the country will reduce the likelihood of bribing.     

“市民社会”概念内涵的历史嬗变及其与国家的关系——法治中国的地方法制进路

在对黑格尔市民社会理念批判继承的基础上,马克思从历史唯物主义的角度出发,在与“政治国家”相对的意义上赋予了“市民社会”新的内涵,并且做出了“市民社会决定国家”的历史断言。据此,市民社会将成为实现“法治中国”的决定性力量。而地方法制作为勾连市民社会和政治国家的场域,其重要性也日益凸显。     

政治收益、经济贿赂与经济绩效：一个新古典政治经济学模型

目前研究政治对经济影响的大量文章都利用锦标赛模型分析官员激励如何影响经济绩效,但这些模型仅仅假设府官员只是追求政治晋升最大化,而且对经济领域的行为分析太少。我们通过将追求货币收入也纳入官员的目标函数,在构造了一个带约束的古诺模型的基础上,将官员政治激励嵌入其中,并以此分析了官员对自己精力和时间的分配如何对经济绩效产生影响。尽管我们没有利用应用锦标赛模型,但是本文的模型也可以解释大多数政治晋升现象,而且由于我们丰富了经济领域的行为人（企业）行为,从而可以解释更多的现象如官员的经济腐败、政府采购以及“高薪养廉”等。     

A springboard into politics: Do Chinese entrepreneurs benefit from joining the government-controlled business associations?

Business associations in authoritarian regimes behave systematically different from their counterparts in democratic regimes. Using a unique dataset of Chinese private firms, this paper examines the impacts of joining the most prominent business association in China, the All-China Federation of Industry and Commerce (ACFIC) which was initiated and strongly controlled by the government. We find that ACFIC members have much higher chances to obtain formal political identities, that is, the deputy of People's Congress (PC) or the People's Political Consultative Conference (PPCC). However, ACFIC membership itself cannot help entrepreneurs acquire scarce resources that are controlled by the government. Rather, ACFIC members bear heavier tax burdens and make more informal payments to government officials. These findings suggest that the ACFIC act as a springboard into politics, rather than an effective collective action committee that can bring common benefits to its members or protect members from government predation.     

组织政治行为与职业生涯成功

组织政治是影响员工职业生涯成功的重要因素之一,但目前很少有学者进行这方面的实证研究,文章实证分析了我国企业中组织政治行为对员工职业生涯成功的影响。研究发现不同的政治行为对员工职业生涯有着不同的影响,柔性政治行为（讨好）有助于员工职业生涯成功,中性政治行为（自我宣传）和硬性政治行为（利益交换）不利于员工职业生涯成功。这些结论对员工职业生涯规划有一定的指导意义。     

The value of active politicians on supervisory boards: evidence from the Berlin stock exchange and the parliament in interwar Germany

We provide the first overview over all political connections of firms via current Members of Parliament on supervisory boards and board of directors listed on the Berlin stock exchange in the 1920s. In contrast to anecdotal evidence, which suggest that political connections were expected to have a positive effect on firms’ performance, an event study based on the election in December 1924 and May 1928 shows only little evidence that a political connection via a newly elected or re-elected politician generated value. These results complement previous research emphasising that political connections might have mattered less in democracies.     

Jokowi's First Year: A Weak President Caught between Reform and Oligarchic Politics

When President Joko Widodo (Jokowi) took office in October 2014, he promised to usher in a new style of politics, generating optimism among many Indonesians that his government would enthusiastically promote reform. Yet Jokowi has since placed greater value on realpolitik than on reform, as evidenced by his choice of cabinet members, his response to the controversy surrounding senior police officer Budi Gunawan, and his handling of attempts by the police and others to weaken Indonesia's respected Corruption Eradication Commission (KPK). This article shows that Jokowi failed to deliver on his promises of reform largely owing to a combination of personal and external factors. He failed to show leadership on anticorruption and human-rights issues, for example—in part because he prefers economic development over democratic reform, but also because he is not immune to the oligarchic politics that dominate Indonesia's political life and promote the interests of Indonesia's elite.     

高管政治背景与民营企业盈利能力的实证研究

本文以我国2003—2007年在沪深交易所上市的民营企业为样本,实证研究了政治关系对民营企业盈利能力的影响,结果发现,高管的政治背景对公司盈利能力有显著的正面影响。进一步的研究还发现,高管的地方政治背景对公司盈利能力的正面影响要比中央政治背景的影响显著,而且董事长（副董事长）的政治背景对公司盈利能力的正面影响要比总经理的政治背景的影响显著。这些结果表明,政治关系是一种有价值的资源,有利于民营企业的发展。     

晋江鞋业集群“造牌运动”的原因及启示

本文将晋江鞋业造牌运动的原因归纳为四个方面,分别是:附加值说、产业组织形态说、地区文化说和政府产业政策说。得出的启示是,晋江鞋业集群今后要把品牌塑造和技术研发相结合;要注重企业间的协作与互动,避免同质化的恶性竞争;要将品牌与晋江当地文化相结合,加强集群的本地根植性;在发挥政府在集群发展中的积极作用的同时,应该注意避免政府行为所可能带来的负效应。     

INDONESIAN POLITICS IN 2007: THE PRESIDENCY,LOCAL ELECTIONS AND THE FUTURE OF DEMOCRACY

This article begins by reviewing the politics of the presidency, including the relationship between the president, the political parties and the House of Representatives (DPR). Referring to survey data, it analyses the dynamics of public support for President Yudhoyono, and takes a preliminary look at the 2009 presidential election. It also discusses the manoeuvring between Indonesia's two largest parties, Golkar and PDI-P, in the context of recent debates in the DPR concerning a package of draft political laws.

Indonesia is undergoing continual reform with regard to local, as well as national, politics. The introduction of direct elections for heads of government at the local level is a major political development that may help accelerate democratic consolidation. Based on an examination of local election results, this article concludes that the advent of direct elections has fuelled the formation of unprecedented cross-ideological political alliances. It appears that the ideological polarisation of national politics is often no longer reflected in provincial and local politics.     

《葛特露与克劳狄斯》中两性婚姻观之比较

约翰·厄普代克以女性视角为莎剧《哈姆莱特》撰写了一部“前传”——《葛特露与克劳狄斯》,将关注中心由男性转换为女性,建构了一个具有女性话语特征的文本。葛特露在读者眼中化身为冲破世俗观念追求婚姻自由与幸福的代表。但事实上,在与克劳狄斯的婚姻中,她并未摆脱与老哈姆莱特王婚姻中被利用的命运,再次成为男性,尤其是“政客”达到政治目的的筹码。     

民主主体建设在我国的重要性及其途径探析

民主政治建设一直都是我国社会各界关注的焦点,随着我国政治民主化进程的推进,民主政治建设相关课题也越来越热。但不得不承认,我国舆论界在对民主化政治建设的研究与态度上存在有很大误区——片面的强调民主制度的建设而忽视民主主体的建设。结合我国相关国情和民主政治建设的相关理论,我们可以看出,民主主体建设在我国具有相当的重要性,为了推进我国民主政治建设的快速进行,应该高度重视民主主体建设的重要性,并在稳步进行的前提下不断探索加强民主主体建设的有效措施。