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李茂平 《湖南经济管理干部学院学报》2010,(2):32-34
20世纪90年代以来,我国民间组织在现代公民社会得以蓬勃兴起,在政治、经济和社会生活领域产生了重大影响,发挥着巨大作用。民间组织的产生和发展,主要根源于我国慈善传统源远流长、社会主义市场经济健康发展、政府体制改革深入推进和社会中产阶级逐步形成等因素。 相似文献
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Energy poverty is a major problem in the developing world, with nearly 1.3 billion people lacking household electricity. Strikingly, the electrification rate is not only low, but is falling in many countries as population growth outpaces efforts to give more people access to electricity. Seizing the opportunities presented by rapid changes in technology and the availability of renewable energy at continually falling costs, social enterprises have begun to light the darkness and fill in the gap between the public and private provision of electricity. We review the extent of energy poverty and explain why neither the public, nor the private sector has successfully addressed this problem. We also discuss institutional factors that have created an environment conducive to the spread of solar power. To illustrate the social enterprise response, we explain the sector’s three most common approaches to solar electrification. Since the potential benefits of any social innovation revolve around its scalability, we discuss various paths to scale before outlining A.T. Kearney’s “Social Enterprise Accelerator” model as a template for scaling up individual social businesses. To enable greater consistency with an institutional economic framework, we suggest an adaptation of the model. We conclude by highlighting potential benefits and challenges facing solar electrification, including the limits of social enterprise as a stand-alone solution to utility provision. 相似文献
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本文通过对我国六大经济区限额以上连锁超市的门店数、营业面积、从业人员、销售额等规模指标和店效、坪效、人效等绩效指标进行分析,揭示连锁超市在我国的发展已经表现出明显的层级市场竞争格局——由东部向中部、西部扇形递减。并通过对各区域市场竞争特点的分析,提出各区域市场的战略方向选择:“一级区域市场”以战略转移为主;“二级区域市场”以做大做强为主,“三级区域市场”以积极发展为主。 相似文献
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Mina Baliamoune-Lutz 《International Advances in Economic Research》2008,14(4):422-432
We explore the short-run dynamics and long-run relationship between income and financial development in Algeria, Egypt, and
Morocco. We use co-integration and VECM models and four indicators of financial development. The empirical results indicate
that there is a long-run relationship between income and each financial development indicator, except credit to the private
sector in Algeria. On the other hand, Granger-causality test results indicate that the evidence on the direction of causality
is mixed.
相似文献
Mina Baliamoune-LutzEmail: |
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社会资本与经济发展:理论及展望 总被引:8,自引:0,他引:8
随着社会资本理论的发展,发展经济学演进到新的发展阶段———“社会关系至关重要”。社会资本理论的引入丰富了经济发展理论研究思路:发展中国家需要构造以社会资本为纽带的综合经济发展体系;在全球化背景下,协调社会资本与现代经济发展是经济学面临的课题。 相似文献
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Development in Africa has been stalled for decades in a vicious cycle of poverty, underdevelopment, corruption, and conflict. In this paper, we argue that donors should focus on democracy and accountability as a first priority in development aid. We use the theory of comparative institutional advantage to identify the key institutions that are most likely to facilitate economic development in communities in the modern world. These institutions include an efficient non-corrupt government sector. Subsequently, we discuss how a lack of democracy and accountability inevitably undermines development efforts and investment, referring especially to the Ethiopian experience but also considering the experiences of other African dictatorships. Finally, we discuss how donors, by emphasizing democracy and accountability along with other policies that support democratic institutions, have a greater chance of effectively contributing to African economic development. 相似文献
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Berhanu Nega 《Forum for Social Economics》2013,42(3):313-334
Official donor policy towards Africa seems to be informed by the twin requirements of alleviating poverty on the one hand and ensuring respect for human rights and democratization on the other. In practice, when these interests conflict, as they usually do in Africa, donors tend to choose to continue supporting dictatorships, arguing that economic development will eventually lead to democratization. This paper argues that this faulty reasoning is a product of modernization theory that has had undue influence in western policy circles. Based on a broad survey of the literature, the paper shows that there is no theoretical or empirical basis for the claim that authoritarian regimes would provide better economic performance than democracies in general and particularly in Africa. Furthermore, available evidence suggests that the lack of democratization (defined broadly to include the substance of democracy such as government accountability and basic freedoms in addition to meaningful democratic elections) is a key constraint on economic and social development in Africa. Finally, the paper argues that even when the empirical case to establish a definite causal relationship between democratization and development cannot be ascertained, a very strong case can be made for prioritizing democratization for the long term societal transformation of the continent. 相似文献
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社会资本、金融发展与经济增长--基于中国东中西部省际数据的实证检验比较 总被引:3,自引:0,他引:3
社会资本对理解转轨情境下的当代中国金融发展与经济增长问题十分重要。采用中国东、中和西部的省际面板数据研究中国转轨时期不同制度水平下社会资本、金融发展及其联合效应对经济增长的影响。实证研究表明,正规金融的发展促进了经济增长,而社会资本对中国经济增长则具有显著的负影响。社会资本与正规金融发展的联合效应在东部和西部地区有利于经济增长,但非正规金融与社会资本的联合效应则不利于经济增长,并且制度越完善,这种负面效应越明显。因此,在深化制度改革和金融发展的同时,应注重社会资本结构优化和平衡,规范非正规金融发展。 相似文献
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Anthony B. Atkinson 《The Scandinavian journal of economics》2000,102(3):445-462
Public debate about the welfare state in OECD countries has emphasized the need for reform to meet a twofold set of shocks: budgetary pressure and a labour market shift against unskilled workers. The aim of the paper is to set out a framework for examining the implications of these shocks for the optimal scale of social transfers and, in particular, the impact on different societies, distinguishing a restricted welfare state, labelled the United States and a more extensive welfare state, labelled Continental Europe. 相似文献
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Bernardita Escobar Andrae 《Feminist Economics》2017,23(2):33-67
This article analyzes Chilean women’s entrepreneurial activity in the 1877–1908 period examining two official data sources representing different socioeconomic business niches – the national trademark registry, which represents the elite among business people, and the Santiago business license registry, which includes the non-elite. The analysis reveals an economy with women engaging increasingly in business in an expanding range of sectors. By the 1890s, women managed nearly a quarter of Santiago’s firms and 5 percent of elite firms nationally. Widows appeared overrepresented among elite businesses and underrepresented among those of the non-elite. These results suggest that institutions constraining entrepreneurship among married women were more strongly enforced among the elite than among other social classes. The evidence thus suggests that during late nineteenth century there was an increase in the economic autonomy exercised by unmarried women and widows of all socioeconomic strata, but also by married women among the non-elite. 相似文献
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社会资本视角下的中国金融发展与经济增长关系——基于1997-2008年省际面板数据研究 总被引:5,自引:0,他引:5
本文分析了社会资本与金融发展对经济增长的资本积累和技术创新效应,并利用我国31个省(市)1997-2008的面板数据,对社会资本、金融发展与经济增长的关系进行了实证研究。结论表明:社会资本对我国经济增长具有明显的促进作用,而金融发展却阻碍了经济的发展,社会资本与金融发展的互动效应对经济增长起着推动作用。最后本文从政府应注重投资社会资本的角度提出了相关的政策建议。 相似文献
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张永宏 《全球科技经济瞭望》2009,24(7):62-68
把科技发展的一般规律和非洲的现实结合起来看,非洲科技发展所面临的严峻挑战主要来自五个方面:其一,R&D投入低,信息化水平低。其二,发展基础薄弱,发展速度缓慢。其三,政治、经济稳定性不够,缺乏强有力的教育支撑。其四,文化传统、殖民后遗症影响科技政策的制定和执行。其五,全球经济一体化和知识经济的挑战。 相似文献
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利用税收政策促进非政府组织发展是世界各国的普遍做法,中国也不例外。然而中国针对非政府组织的税收政策还存在着税收政策有失公平、税式支出被滥用、纳税人公益性捐赠税前抵扣限制较多以及对民间非政府组织的歧视性税收待遇等问题。因此,需要对现行的税收政策进行调整,如把非政府组织分为"公益性"和"互益性",实行不同的税收政策,开征遗产税,鼓励遗产捐赠等,以促进中国非政府组织的健康发展。 相似文献
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民营银行区别于国有商业银行,是中国特有的商业银行形态。其最大的特点是按市场机制自主运作,不受政府干预。但这一优势的发挥是以健全的信用环境、发达的金融市场和有效的监管体系为前提的。纵观境内外民营银行的发展历程,有成功也有失败。中国开放民营银行应当充分吸取国外失败的教训,学习其成功经验,从宏观与微观的角度做足准备,迎接金融深化改革的新纪元。 相似文献
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职业结构是就业结构的重要组成部分,反映一定社会经济条件下劳动力的职业配置状况,而不同的经济发展阶段的职业结构存在不同的特征。将职业结构定义为就业人口的职业分布,借助"六普"数据的分析总结我国现阶段各地区职业结构状况,可以看出:区域经济社会发展与区域就业人员的职业结构关系密切,各地区随着人均GDP的不断增高,其非农职业的就业人员所占比重有逐渐增高的趋势;区域经济社会发展指标对职业结构的影响差异较大。期望这些结论对各地政府的就业管理、职业管理工作和职业培训工作有一定的指导意义。 相似文献
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Benjamin Powell 《The Review of Austrian Economics》2005,18(3-4):305-323
East Asian countries have recorded large increases in per capita GDP over the last fifty years. Some observers have referred to this growth as an “East Asian Miracle.” One popular explanation attributes the rapid growth to state led industrial development planning. This paper critically assesses the arguments surrounding state development planning and East Asia’s growth. Whether the state can acquire the knowledge necessary to calculate which industries it should promote and how state development planning can deal with political incentive problems faced by planners are both examined. When we look at the development record of East Asian countries we find that to the extent development planning did exist, it could not calculate which industries would promote development, so it instead promoted industrialization. We also find that what rapid growth in living standards did occur can be better explained by free markets than state planning because, as measured in economic freedom indexes, these countries were some of the most free market in the world.JEL classification: O200, O170, O530, B530, P170 相似文献
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Dr. Mahathir bin Mohamad is often credited with Malaysia's dramatic economic success post-1980. It is well known that the Mahathir regime installed centralized power in the Office of the Prime Minister (PM) and greatly extended state capacity through a far-reaching clientelist system. Prima Facie, the Malaysian experience appears to validate power centralization and state capacity as complementary to economic development. Though these changes did make Malaysia more susceptible to corruption, dramatically exhibited in 2015 with the 1MDB 5 billion dollar scandal, it has been argued that the clientelist political structure installed in Malaysia generally manages corruption at tolerable levels in order to provide the state the capacity needed to implement controls for economic development that began in the 1980s. While Malaysia experienced impressive economic growth during the Mahathir administration, our test using the Synthetic Control Method finds that GDP per capita fell well below what would have been expected under the governing structures in place in the 1970s, before Mahathir took office—a loss of approximately $4000 per capita below its potential. This study provides evidence of powerful negative economic consequences attributable to greater power centralization and enhanced state capacity inaugurated under Mahathir. 相似文献