Protest and quiescence in urban politics

Cet article examine les interprétations marxistes et dites ‘structuralistes’ des mouvements sociaux urbains. Il propose l'argument selon lequel certains aspects de méthodologie ne sont pas incompatibles avec la perspective des études pluralistes américaines employée pour le traitement des phénomènes de revendications. Ces deux perspectives partagent la měme supposition, c'est à dire que l'influence coule des mouvements de revendications à l'état; ce qui amène à chercher les raisons pour l'échec à l'intérieur du mouvement lui-měme, plutǒt que dans les ressources et les stratégies à la disposition de l'état et de ses agents pour détourner et dominer la revendication. Deuxièmement, ces perspectives ne semblent pas avoir de critères de sélection, et analysent seulement les cas manifestes de revendications. Il est suggéré qu'une interprétation adéquate ne peut ětre arrivée que sur la base d'une recherche qui essaye d'expliquer les relations fondamentales de pouvoir dans le système urbain, particulièrement quand il s'agit de situations d'inertie ou de non-revendication. La seconde partie de cet article est un compte rendu d'une recherche empirique sur la suppression d'un mouvement ouvrier de revendication à Londres contre des politiques de logement ‘pour les masses’. Cette recherche montre de quelle façon la portée et l'exactitude des interprétations marxistes et dites ‘structuralistes’ peuvent ětre avancée afin de prendre en compte ces critiques. En měme temps, elle explore l'utilisation des pouvoirs coercifs par les autorités locales anglaises et l'influence exercée par les corporations industrielles sur la politique du logement.     

Political Process and Popular Protest

A bstract . The mobilization to defeat the United States-Canada Free Trade Agreement is used as a point of departure for reflections on the role political processes play in social movement mobilization. Previous articles in this Journal presented a resource mobilization-political opportunities paradigm in the study of social movements. This article expands this paradigm's analytic reach to a country that has contributed little research to the ongoing debate about social movement mobilization. Adopting a political process perspective, political institutions, political opportunities, and social and political organizations shaped the emergence and mobilization of the popular campaign. This case can strengthen a generalized understanding of those political factors most conducive to the interesting interplay and outcome of movement, party, and electoral politics.     

中国职业体育工作者环保素质现状调查与分析

采用文献资料法、问卷调查法等方法对中国大陆31个省市的1082名职业体育工作者的环保素质进行了调查与分析。结果表明:中国职业体育工作者的环保意识较强、环保态度积极;但对环保知识的了解有限,参加环保活动的主动性不足;缺少维护环境,参与环保的行为;此外,对环境状况缺乏应有的关注也是现阶段存在的问题之一。总体来看,职业体育工作者整体的环保素质仍需加强,高、低学历者间在环保知识、环保意识等方面具有显著差异。在调研分析的基础上,还针对性的提出了补充环保知识,增强环保意识,坚定环保态度,改善环保行为,从而提高我国职业体育工作者环保素质的若干具体建议。     

Permitting Protest: Parsing the Fine Geography of Dissent in America

The ability to dissent and to protest is a cornerstone of western liberal democracies. But dissent always threatens to exceed its bounds and to become a threat. The issue facing liberal states, then, has not only been how to incorporate dissent, but also how to shape dissent. In this project, the politics of public space has assumed a central role, as material public spaces have become a primary venue for the shaping of dissent. This article examines the ways in which dissent is incorporated into the liberal democratic state through a case study of protest in Washington, DC. In that city, as in others throughout North America and Western Europe, protest permit systems have evolved as a bureaucratic means to actively shape, if not directly control, public dissent. And yet, even as permit systems are becoming fully regularized, debates over their legitimacy suggest that geographically based permit systems might be inadequate to the task of incorporating dissent. As we indicate, recent protest activity shows just how important geography is to regulating, incorporating and policing dissent, even as those protests expose just how blunt and how fragile a tool that geography is. Pouvoir être en désaccord et le manifester est l’une des pierres angulaires des démocraties libérales occidentales. Pourtant, le désaccord risque toujours de dépasser ses limites pour devenir une menace. La difficulté rencontrée par les États libéraux n’était pas tant d’intégrer la divergence d’opinion que de la façonner. Dans ce projet, la politique d’espace public a joué un rôle central, les espaces publics physiques étant devenus un site primordial pour ce façonnage. Les méthodes d’intégration du désaccord dans l’État démocratique libéral apparaissent à travers l’étude de cas de la protestation à Washington DC. Là, comme dans d’autres villes d’Amérique du Nord et d’Europe de l’Ouest, les systèmes d’autorisation de manifestation ont évolué en un moyen bureaucratique de façonner effectivement, si ce n’est maîtriser directement, le dissentiment public. Pourtant, tandis que ces systèmes se régularisent totalement, la mise en cause de leur légitimité suggère que les régimes d’autorisation de type géographique seraient inappropriés pour intégrer le désaccord. Récemment, l’activité de protestation a démontré l’importance de la géographie pour réguler, intégrer et contrôler le dissentiment, même si ces manifestations révèlent aussi combien la géographie est un outil limité et fragile.     

Anti-Abortion Activities and the Market for Abortion Services: Protest as a Disincentive

Cross-section data for the US are used to estimate the effects of anti-abortion activity on the demand and supply of abortion services in 1992. Empirical results show that anti-abortion activity had a signi~cant negative impact on both the demand and supply of abortion services. Using estimates from a two-stage least-squares estimation of demand and supply, anti-abortion activities (measured as picketing with physical contact or blocking of patients) have decreased the market equilibrium abortion rate by an estimated 19 percent and raised the price of an abortion by approximately 4.3 percent. Taken together, the empirical results show that anti-abortion activities have been successful in making abortion services scarcer.     

Reforming the training system in France

The French system of continuing vocational training was set up in 1970 by an intersectoral collective agreement that was then followed by legislation. More than 30 years on, the economic and social context has changed and the system now faces new challenges. In 2001 and again in 2003 the social partners embarked upon new negotiations in a bid to redesign the system. Analysis of the negotiation process and of its outcomes reveals both the persistence of societal characteristics and the emergence of significant innovations, particularly in the individualisation of training. This dual trend is explained by the characteristics of the actors involved as well as by the weakness of the state.     

Plant-level bargaining in France

Institutionalised bargaining and formal collective agreements at plant level are a rarity in France. However, research shows that some form of unofficial bargaining does take place. Edward Slack illustrates this phenomenon using evidence obtained from a chemical plant and an industrialised dairy in 1974.     

民事行政抗诉案件改判率低下的成因及破解

对人民法院已生效的错误的民事行政案件判决、裁定按审判监督程序提出抗诉是法律赋予人民检察院的重要监督职能之一。但从检察监督实践来看,检察机关向人民法院提出的抗诉案件法院改判率低,这极大地削弱了检察机关的监督作用。因此,总结民事行政抗诉案件改判率低的成因,进而寻求破解之道成为当务之急。文章对这一问题提出见解。     

民事行政抗诉案件改判率低下的成因及破解

对人民法院已生效的错误的民事行政案件判决、裁定按审判监督程序提出抗诉是法律赋予人民检察院的重要监督职能之一。但从检察监督实践来看,检察机关向人民法院提出的抗诉案件法院改判率低,这极大地削弱了检察机关的监督作用。因此,总结民事行政抗诉案件改判率低的成因,进而寻求破解之道成为当务之急。文章对这一问题提出见解。     

环境影响评价与全过程环保管理的思考

环境影响评价制度从实施以来对保护环境和社会发展发挥了较大的作用,随着国务院"放管服"改革的推进,需要进一步创新思维,提高环保管理的效率和实效。通过对项目建设主要过程及其环评和环保工作的筛理,从全过程环保管理的思路,重新审视设计、环评以及建设单位和管理部门等在项目各个阶段中需做好的环保工作,从而进一步理清思路,更好地做好环境保护工作。     

Labour market institutions and employment in France

The purpose of this paper is to use individual data to study how the minimum wage and the welfare system combine to affect employment in France. Using the 1997 Labour Force Survey, we decompose non‐employment of married women into three components: voluntary, classical (due to the minimum wage) and ‘other’ (a residual category). We find that the minimum wage explains close to 15% of non‐employment for these women and that the disincentive effects of some welfare policy measures may be large. Our approach also allows us to evaluate various labour and welfare policy experiments in their effects on participation and employment. Copyright © 2002 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd.     

Charity and the State

a tragic aspect of the socialised sectors in the free societies of the West is the way in which private charity has been curtailed by state action. Care for the less fortunate has been impoverished because it has been socialised. Free enterprise comprise the oppropriate 'mixed economy'.     

Schooling processes and educational outcomes in France

Quality & Quantity -     

Spatial concentration and plant-level productivity in France

This paper analyzes empirically the effect of spatial agglomeration of activities on plant-level productivity, using French firm and plant-level data from 1996 to 2004. We exploit short-run variations of variables by making use of GMM estimation. This allows us to control for endogeneity biases that the estimation of agglomeration economies typically encounters. This means that our paper focuses on a subset of agglomeration economies, the short-run ones. Our results show that French plants benefit from localization economies, but we find very little - if any - evidence of urbanization economies. We also show that those localization benefits are relatively well internalized by firms in their location choice: we find very little difference between the geography that would maximize productivity gains in the short-run and the geography actually observed.     

环境监测在环境影响评价中的分析

在新的时期下,环境保护工作面临着新的困难和挑战,环境监测贯穿于环境影响评价体系中,加强环境监测对环境影响评价具有重要作用,本文将对环境监测在环境影响评价中的作用进行相应的分析介绍。