我国城镇贫困人口规模再估算

本文通过扩展的线性支出系统分析认为,城镇2000-2004年的贫困人口分别为:2295万人、2883万人、3766万人、3912万人、4071万人,城镇贫困人口有增加的趋势.这主要是由于城镇人口的基数上升、城镇居民收入差距的扩大和低收入者的收入增长赶不上基本消费需求额的增长等原因造成的.除最低收入组构成贫困人口的主体外,低收入组居民有"渗透"进入贫困人口的趋势.缩小城镇居民收入分配差距是解决城镇相对贫困的有效措施.同时要注意在城镇化的过程中产生新的城镇贫困问题.     

中国城镇居民贫困化问题研究

我国城镇贫困人口还占有一定的比重，如何消除城市居民中的贫困人口，本文分析了产生城镇居民贫困的宏观状况和产生的原因，并提出了解决城镇贫困的议八条政策建议。     

论西部民族地区贫困人口对经济发展的影响

文章在对我国西部民族地区贫困人口基本状况及特点描述的基础上,重点研究了贫困人口过快增长、文化素质偏低以及思想观念落后对该地区经济发展所产生的影响,并从严格控制贫困人口增长、提高贫困人口素质、更新贫困人口思想观念等方面提出了加快西部民族地区经济发展的对策与建议。     

当前我国城市贫困的现状

1.贫困主体转变。改革开放前,我国的城市贫困人口主要是无劳动能力、无生活来源、无法定赡养人和抚养人的“三无对象”和一些政府规定的特殊救济对象。目前,我国城市贫困人口主体主要是下岗、失业、减收人员及其家庭,城镇外来打工者以及老、弱、病、残、孤、寡的城镇脆弱者三大群体。构成和规模范围都显著扩大。2.贫困人口加速增长,贫困面扩大。据民政部统计,20世纪80年代初期,每年由政府定期定量救济的城市贫困人员一般在60-80万人之间,90年代初,全国城镇集体企业职工(包括     

中国城镇主观贫困线测度

本文利用"中国转型时期城镇贫困测度与反贫困政策评估"课题组的最新调查资料,用交叉法和回归分析实际测算了7个代表性城市的主观贫困线.计算结果表明,主观贫困线和相对贫困线比较接近,说明计算结果是合理的;同时,主观贫困线远远高于当前城镇贫困人口的实际救助标准--"低保线",说明救助标准太低.因此,建议推广使用主观贫困线方法来识别城镇贫困人口,并以此作为"低保线"制订的参照值.     

中国目前的城镇反贫困与第一供给的优化

在中国目前的宏观经济运行过程中,与产品、劳务供给相比,就业供给是第一供给,而产品、劳务供给则是第二供给。在中国目前的城镇贫困人口中,职工失业型贫困已成为主体。中国的城镇反贫困,除抓好城镇贫困群体的生活保障外,重视就业供给的治理,即第一供给的优化是中国城镇反贫困的基点选择。     

中国城市贫困人口动态变化与空间分异特征探讨

1990年代以来中国城市贫困问题越来越突出。通过探讨中国城市贫困的标准和内涵,分析了中国城市贫困人口的组成结构及其动态变化特征,进一步描述了中国城市贫困人口的空间分异,并且按照城市贫困发生率划分为基本脱贫区、低度贫困区、中度贫困区、高度贫困区和剧烈贫困区五个区域,再从自然条件、经济发展水平、行业特征、受教育程度和就业机会五个方面解析成因。最后得出四个结论：一是我国城市贫困人口分布具有典型的地域特征,城市贫困发生率较高的为中部老工业基地和西部地区;二是失业人口是城市贫困人口的主体;三是城市贫困人口的结构性特征突出,该群体成为社会变迁中的被淘汰者;四是农民工成为新的城市贫困群体,城市越大农民工规模也越大。     

浅析贫困、经济增长与脱贫时间——基于中国城镇居民调查数据的分析

20世纪90年代以来，经济增长和收入分配不平等对于城镇人口脱贫时间产生了消极影响。研究发现，城镇贫困在1997年达到高峰，然后逐渐缓和；贫困人口的收入增长在初期能使脱贫时间迅速减少，但边际效果是递减的；贫困人口之间的收入分配不平等延长了脱贫时间，如果贫困人口的初始收入增加，则会明显缩短脱贫时间。     

建立城镇贫困人口医疗救助制度的思考

一、建立并实施城镇医疗救助制度的意义 1.实施城镇医疗救助制度是实现健康服务公平性的重要途径.我国的健康服务现阶段最为突出的问题是公平性较差,贫困人口对医疗资源不能与非贫困人口一样享有.世界卫生组织在《2000年世界卫生报告》中,对所有成员国卫生系统的运行及绩效进行了评比与排序,中国在"健康服务筹资的公平性"这项指标上得分列倒数第四,这不能不说是对我们强烈的冲击和警示.     

我国新城市贫困的原因及反贫困对策

中国改革开放以来,在反贫困上的效果是显著的,中国贫困人口1978年为2．5亿人,2004年已经迅速下降到2610万人。然而,在过去20多年,城市贫困并没有因为我国经济高速增长而有所减轻。我国的城市贫困人口在20世纪80年代中期开始出现上升的趋势,进入20世纪90年代,城市贫困人口则数以千万计。按照联合国划定的每人每天消费1美元的最低贫困线标准,最低收入户和困难户人均每天只有0．84美元和0．68美元收入,都不够联合国划定的每人每天消费1美元的贫困线。因此,截止到2002年,其中最低收入户占城镇总人口10％,困难户占城镇总人口5％。2002年城镇总人口为50212万人,那么最低收入户约有5021．2万人,其中困难户约有2510．6万人。也就是说,到2002年底,中国城镇涌现出5000多万贫困人口,其中至少有2510万贫困人口需要救助才能解决生存问题。     

中国转轨过程中的城市贫困问题研究

伴随着经济结构的调整,中国的社会阶层日益分化,城市贫困问题成为我国社会经济发展中的一个突出问题。本文对我国城市贫困的规模、特点、形成原因以及城市居民最低生活保障制度等方面存在的问题进行了分析。在此基础上,指出解决我国城市贫困问题要强化政府创造就业的能力,关注陷入贫困风险高的群体,重视流动人口对城市贫困的影响,警惕贫困的城市化。     

中国城镇家庭能源贫困评估*——基于微观调查数据的研究

我国扶贫工作重点已进入新阶段,从消除绝对贫困向缓解发展不平衡、不充分的相对贫困转变,从解决收入贫困向解决多维贫困转变,从重点解决农村贫困问题向统筹城乡扶贫转变。能源是人民生活质量的重要指标,能有效反映福利水平。了解我国城镇家庭能源消费的基本特征、准确测度能源贫困水平与分布,有助于为今后扶贫工作提供资料基础和科学管理依据。本文构建消费者能源消费决策分析框架,并运用第一次中国家庭能源消费调查数据,考察居民收入与能源消费之间的关系,并对中国城镇家庭能源贫困状况进行测度。研究发现,居民收入与能源消费之间存在S型非线性关系,能源价格、家庭特征、地域特征等因素在能源消费决策中都发挥重要影响。我国城镇家庭相对能源贫困较为严重,主要表现为能源可支付性问题。能源贫困率在20%左右,其中电力贫困程度更为严重,超过25%。家庭收入增长、户主受教育程度提高、城市电力基础设施的普及、城市环境规制水平的提升会显著降低城镇家庭陷入能源贫困的可能性,而电力价格上涨会显著增加城镇家庭陷入能源贫困的概率。     

收入增长和收入分配对城市减贫的影响

本文基于对贫困的分解,运用贫困弹性的动态特征,选取《中国统计年鉴》相关年份城市住户分组数据,深入分析收入增长和收入分配因素对中国1991-2009年间城市绝对贫困和相对贫困的影响。结果表明:(1)高速的经济增长对我国城市绝对贫困率下降起决定性作用,但收入分配恶化对城市相对贫困率上升有显著影响。(2)收入水平越高,则收入因素对城市减贫的促进作用越强,且分配因素所引起的贫困变动越大;收入分配越不平等,则收入因素对城市减贫的促进作用越弱,且分配因素所引起的贫困变动越小。因此,我国今后的城市减贫,应在继续保持经济较快增长的同时,以改善收入分配不平等为重点。     

RELATIVE POVERTY IN TWO EGALITARIAN SOCIETIES: A COMPARISON BETWEEN TAGANROG, RUSSIA DURING THE SOVIET ERA AND SWEDEN

Relative poverty in urban Russia at the end of the Soviet era (using microdata for the town of Taganrog) is compared to relative poverty in Sweden. The results indicate that the extent of relative poverty was rather similar in the two societies, but also that differences in the structure of poverty existed. In urban Russia characteristics of the household head leading to a high risk of poverty were advanced age, a limited education and being female. Swedish poverty was concentrated to households with a young head.     

The effects of location and sectoral components of economic growth on poverty: Evidence from Indonesia

In this paper, we investigate the relationship between economic growth and poverty reduction by differentiating growth and poverty into their sectoral composition and urban–rural location using data from Indonesia. We find that rural services growth reduces poverty in all sectors and locations. However, urban services growth has the largest effect on poverty in most sectors. Finally, we also find that rural agriculture growth strongly reduces poverty in rural areas, the largest contributor to poverty in Indonesia. This implies that while agriculture growth in rural areas still plays a major role in reducing poverty, policies that enable strong growth in the services sector in both urban and rural areas would expedite poverty reduction.     

Urban–rural gap and poverty traps in China: A prefecture level analysis

Urban–rural gap and regional inequality are long-standing problems in China and result in considerable number of studies. This article examines the dynamic behaviours of incomes for both urban and rural areas with a prefectural data set. The analysis is conducted by using a distribution dynamics approach, which have advantages in examination on persistence, polarization and convergence clubs. The results show that persistence and immobility are the dominant characteristics in the income distribution dynamics. The prefectural urban and rural areas converge into their own steady states differentiated in income levels. This pattern of urban–rural gap also exists in three regional groups, namely the eastern, central and western regions. Examination on the dynamics of the poorest areas shows that geographical poverty traps exist in both urban and rural prefectural areas. Our results indicate that more policy interventions are required to narrow down the urban–rural gap and to eliminate the poverty traps in China.     

GROWTH, POVERTY, AND INEQUALITY IN LATIN AMERICA: A CAUSAL ANALYSIS, 1970–94

Taking advantage of consistent poverty and income inequality data for 12 Latin American countries between 1970 and 1994, we analyze the determinants of changes in the incidence of urban and rural poverty and in Gini coefficients over spells of years, stressing in particular the role of aggregate income growth. We find that income growth reduces urban and rural poverty but not inequality. We also find that income growth is more effective in reducing urban poverty if the levels of inequality and poverty are lower, and the levels of secondary education higher. We show that there is an asymmetry in the impact of growth on poverty and inequality, with recession having strong negative effects on both poverty and inequality. Since growth does not reduce inequality, economic cycles create ratchet effects on the level of inequality. However, post-structural adjustment growth is quite effective at reducing poverty, particularly if inequality is low.     

Linkages between poverty and income inequality of urban–rural sector: a time series analysis of India’s urban-based aspirations from 1951 to 1994

This study examines the impact of urban and rural development on poverty and inequality in India before economic reform. The methodology comprises two dimensions. Modern time series methods are used to uncover the dynamic patterns of urban–rural poverty and income inequality. A machine-learning algorithm is used to determine the causal structure among the development indicators. Our results show that reductions in rural poverty appear to be a more effective in reducing both urban and rural poverty, although the costs of achieving these reductions have not been considered.     

IMPACT OF GROWTH AND DISTRIBUTION ON POVERTY IN MADAGASCAR

Poverty in Madagascar has increased between 1962 and 1980 both in the rural and urban areas based on a comparison of some poverty measures, but decreased based on others. However, it remains predominantly a rural phenomenon. Distributional inequality is the major determinant of the variation in rural poverty, while the changes in urban poverty are due to the lack of economic growth. Thus, the urban bias introduced in government policies in the mid-1970s was not justifiable on strictly poverty-reduction grounds. A reduction of sectoral disparities would have led to a significant reduction of aggregate poverty.