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1.
This paper studies the pattern of allocation of foreign aid from various donors to receiving countries. We find considerable evidence that the direction of foreign aid is dictated as much by political and strategic considerations, as by the economic needs and policy performance of the recipients. Colonial past and political alliances are major determinants of foreign aid. At the margin, however, countries that democratize receive more aid, ceteris paribus. While foreign aid flows respond to political variables, foreign direct investments are more sensitive to economic incentives, particularly good policies and protection of property rights in the receiving countries. We also uncover significant differences in the behavior of different donors.  相似文献   

2.
The competition on foreign aid, as a means for securing foreign policy and other benefits by the donor, can lead to diplomatic rivalry. This article utilizes a game theoretic model to analyze the existing rivalry for foreign aid and international status between Taiwan and the People's Republic of China. Similar to the role of political contributions in the public choice theory, foreign aid is taken a means of international lobbying, to realize the donor's objective. Research results, based on the policy effect consideration, indicates that the equilibrium aid policy, which is endogenously determined, renders an inability on the part of the donors, which affects the recipient's optimal foreign policy. How does a donor obtain favorable outcomes when such rivalry exists? Strengthening diplomatic endeavors to realize the access effect has been proved an effective method. Analytical results have shown that this method not only complements aid rivalry but also increases the welfare of the donor.  相似文献   

3.
This article complements existing literature on the aid-institutions nexus by focusing on political rights, aid volatilities, and the post-Berlin Wall period. Our findings show that, while foreign aid does not have a significant effect on political rights, foreign aid volatilities do mitigate democracy in recipient countries. Such volatilities could be used by populist parties to promote a neocolonial agenda, instill nationalistic sentiments, and consolidate their grip on power. This is especially true when donors are asking for standards that the majority of the population in control does not want and political leaders are unwilling to implement them. Our empirical evidence is based on 53 African countries for the period from 1996 to 2010. As a main policy implication, creating uncertainties in foreign aid for political rights enhancement in African countries may achieve the opposite results. We also discuss other implications, including the need for an “After-Washington” Consensus.  相似文献   

4.
This paper uses a panel approach to examine the determinants of foreign aid. It examines the extent to which taxes on international trade and the scope of government activities, ethnicity, private credit, and education determine foreign aid. The paper specifies and estimates a model that explains the allocation of foreign aid among 151 countries over the period 1975 to 1998. The key empirical finding suggests that Taxes on Trade increases foreign aid dependency. Moreover, trade, private credit, foreign direct investment, GDP per worker, and government consumption are important determinants of foreign aid. The factors that appear to decrease foreign aid include: Years of schooling, private credit, trade, and GDP per worker. The factors that appear to increase foreign aid include: Taxes on international trade, ethnicity, and government consumption.  相似文献   

5.
作为西方主流经济学的国际经济学,忽视了国内政治因素尤其是政治制度在对外经济政策中的重要作用。国际政治经济学作为一门新兴学科,将政治因素纳入了经济学的分析框架,从政治与经济相互结合的视角探讨影响对外经济政策的因素。在实行代议民主制的国家,作为政治制度主要行为体的利益集团和左右翼政党的政策偏好,以及不同的民主模式,对贸易政策、汇率政策和资本流动政策的选择都具有十分重要的影响。  相似文献   

6.
Are there systematic political economy factors that shape preferences for foreign aid, a key component of American foreign policy? We analyze votes in the House of Representatives from 1979 to 2003 that would increase or decrease foreign aid by considering the political, economic, and ideological characteristics of legislators and their districts. To understand who supports and opposes foreign aid, we utilize theories of foreign economic policy preferences. By examining different types of aid policy, we show that domestic politics and especially the distributional consequences of economic aid can matter. The economic characteristics of a district and its left–right ideological predispositions influence support for aid in a systematic fashion over the nearly 25‐year period. Stolper–Samuelson models along with political ideology can help explain legislators' preferences toward aid.  相似文献   

7.
To assist with progress towards the United Nations Millennium Development Goals (MDGs) in developing countries, the international community is scaling-up foreign aid to record levels. Concurrently, there are concerns that additional aid will not be used effectively due to a problem of absorptive capacity in recipient countries. Empirical studies lend support to these concerns with many finding that there are diminishing returns to foreign aid. This paper reviews the extensive aid effectiveness literature to identify the various dimensions of absorptive capacity. It proceeds by devising a composite index of absorptive capacity for individual recipient countries which can assist policymakers in guiding the allocation of their aid. The relevance of the index is confirmed through its employment in a standard empirical model of aid effectiveness. The paper highlights the developing countries that currently receive high levels of aid relative to their estimated level of absorptive capacity.  相似文献   

8.
We argue that donors could improve the effectiveness of foreign aid by pursuing complementary and coherent non‐aid policies. In particular, we hypothesize that aid has stronger growth effects if recipients receive more aid from donors who allow for (temporary) worker mobility and (more permanent) migration. We focus on overall remittances paid by the donor countries to proxy for worker mobility and migration. Our empirical results support the hypothesis that higher remittances paid by donor countries strengthen the growth effects of foreign aid.  相似文献   

9.
The impact of the Soviet trade shock on central and East European economies   总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1  
The paper examines the significance of what is called the Soviet trade shock on central and East European economies. The analysis involves two steps: first, the terms-of-trade effect of replacing the CMEA trading rules by market rules is estimated, and second, the impact of the loss of export markets in the former Soviet Union is assessed. The results of estimating the terms-of-trade effect for Hungary and Poland show that the income losses in 1990–1991 have not been as substantial as commonly believed (3.5 percent of GDP and 1.0 percent of GDP, respectively). The decomposition of the fall of total Soviet imports in 1991 into three categories, reflecting the impact of domestic recession, reduction of trade with ex-CMEA, and diversion of imports from ex-CMEA to western countries allowed us to estimate the CMEA-induced part of the trade collapse at 36 to 49 percent of the total fall of exports to the Soviet Union by the CEECs (except Romania), with the impact of domestic recession being in all cases stronger than the CMEA dissolution effect. An attempt has also been made to estimate the impact of the Soviet trade shock on GDP levels in CEECs. The results obtained indicate that the collapse of exports to the Soviet Union in 1991 may have been responsible for about one third of the officially reported GDP fall in Czechoslovakia and Poland, and for more than half of the GDP fall in Bulgaria and Hungary, but the impact of the CMEA-induced export fall was much smaller. The impact of the Soviet trade shock on Romania was negligible. The results obtained suggest a smaller impact of the Soviet trade shock on Hungary and Poland, as compared with some other studies. The conclusions should, however, be treated with caution, because of many untested assumptions underlying the analysis.I would like to acknowledge helpful comments received on earlier drafts of the paper by Daniel Gross, Dieter Hesse, Gabor Oblath, and Mica Panic. The views expressed in the paper are, however, my own responsibility.  相似文献   

10.
This paper investigates the effect of foreign aid on governance in order to extend the debate on foreign aid and to verify common positions from Moyo’s ‘Dead Aid’, Collier’s ‘Bottom Billion’ and Eubank’s ‘Somaliland’. The empirical evidence is based on updated data from 52 African countries for the period 1996–2010. An endogeneity robust instrumental variable Two-Stage-Least Squares empirical strategy is employed. The findings reveal that development assistance deteriorates economic (regulation quality and government effectiveness) and institutional (corruption-control and rule of law) governance, but has an insignificant effect on political (political stability, voice and accountability) governance. While, these findings are broadly in accordance with Moyo and Collier on weak governance, they neither confirm the Eubank position on political governance nor the Asongu stance on the aid-corruption nexus in a debate with Okada and Samreth. The use of foreign aid as an instrument to influence the election and replacement of political leaders in Africa may have insignificant results. It is time to solve the second tragedy of foreign aid and that economists and policy makers start rethinking the models and theories on which foreign aid is used to influence economic, institutional and political governance in recipient countries.  相似文献   

11.
瞿忠琼  欧名豪  厉伟 《经济地理》2007,27(5):730-732,746
产业国际转移是指发生在国家之间的产业转移,即产业由某些国家或地区转移到另一些国家或地区的现象。从理论上讲,产业国际间转移呈现出一定的梯度性规律。然而,自从中国日益向世界工厂的角色转变之后,由于中国劳动力二元结构特征的存在使得这一从中国向产业低梯度国家的产业国际转移进程受到了很大阻碍。在这种情况下,理应采取各种措施与原有准备承接产业转移的低梯度国家处理好政治经济关系。文章首先介绍了国际产业转移的梯度效应,分析了劳动力二元结构下的国际产业转移障碍,即发生在中国的国际产业转移阻断现象,据此提出了中国对外贸易应注意的战略性政策选择。  相似文献   

12.
In recent years, economic sanctions have become an important tool in the conduct of U.S. foreign policy. Though usually aimed at a single country, they also can affect the economies of other nations. Knowledge of such impacts would inform U.S. policy-makers as to which other countries might be helped or harmed, and help predict which other nations likely would support or oppose the sanctions. This article presents results relating to the imposition of sanctions in the oil market. These results are obtained from exercising a dynamic computable general equilibrium model built by Charles River Associates under sponsorship of the American Petroleum Institute. The model is used to analyze GDP effects on a number of countries from multilateral oil sanctions against Iraq. The results suggest that it is possible to provide useful information regarding the impacts of sanctions as a foreign policy tool. However, they also indicate that sanctions can be expensive, with substantial spillover effects. Though sanctions may be an appropriate policy choice in given instances, these effects should be incorporated into foreign policy analyses.  相似文献   

13.
Savings is considered to be a principal determinant to achieve long-run economic growth. Remittances and foreign aid are two important foreign capital inflows to meet the savings deficiency of developing nations. The objective of this study is to investigate the long-run impact of remittance to stimulate savings in remittance recipient countries. This paper contributes to the macroeconomic impact of remittance through a comparative study on Bangladesh, India and Philippines that positioned among the top ten largest remittance recipient countries from 2008 and onwards. The analysis makes use of an annual time series data over the period of 1980–2015. The Johansen cointegration test suggested long-run cointegrating relationship of remittance and foreign aid on gross savings. The test result suggests positive effect of remittances on gross savings for Bangladesh and Philippines although an insignificant negative effect for India. However, foreign aid has significant negative long-run impact in all the three cases. Government policy should focus on leveraging remittance flows to facilitate savings and investment for capital accumulation.  相似文献   

14.
This note reviews the statistical evidence on foreign direct investment (FDI) in the countries of the former Soviet Union taking into account data from both host countries and countries of origin. The main characteristics of this FDI and its variation among the successor states of the Soviet Union are established. The contribution of FDI to economic transition is so far limited to some sectors and regions, and unlikely to accelerate in the near future.
JEL classification: F21, F23, P31.  相似文献   

15.
The goal of this article is to assess the agricultural policies of eight countries from the former Soviet Union. They hold great potential for agricultural production, and some are relatively unanalysed from the point of view of agricultural policy. The analysis was conducted using qualitative and quantitative evidence. The key challenges facing the region are food security and competitiveness. Policy approaches range from strong interventionism to almost complete liberalisation. Budgetary support is relatively low compared to EU and OECD averages. Transfers to producers dominate (especially input subsidies and on-farm investment support) in all countries, and support to rural development and general services is weak. While prices for crops are near world prices, prices for animal products are fairly high in some countries, indicating high developmental needs. It is possible to discern four broad clusters of countries.  相似文献   

16.
欧盟对外发展援助是欧盟及其成员国对发展中国家给予的财政、技术和人员等方面的援助。欧盟出于历史上的殖民联系、经济发展的需要和长远安全战略的考虑,在对外关系中,十分重视发展和加强同发展中国家的关系,1957年以来一直积极参与国际社会的对外发展援助活动。目前在金融危机的影响下,国际社会普遍缺少资金,欧盟对外发展援助资金在地域分布上开始由"全球性"转向"内向性";在部门分配的重点上还处于调整之中。欧盟等发达国家和集团要认识到金融危机让市场经济体制不完善的发展中国家受到了比发达国家更为严重的打击,因此应克服金融危机的干扰,切实履行援助承诺,继续向广大发展中国家提供和增加援助,从而降低发展中国家在危机中所遭受的伤害,以构筑一个较为理想与和谐的全球发展环境。  相似文献   

17.
Traditional aid conditionality has been attacked as ineffective in part because aid agencies – notably the World Bank – often fail to enforce conditions. This pattern undermines the credibility of conditionality, weakening incentives to implement policy reforms. The standard critique attributes this time inconsistency to bureaucratic factors within the aid agency such as pressure to lend, defensive lending, or short-sighted altruism. Pressure from powerful donors provides another potential explanation for lax enforcement. This paper presents an empirical analysis of the political economy of conditionality in international organizations using the case of the World Bank and the United States. The analysis examines panel data on World Bank disbursements to 97 countries receiving structural adjustment loans between 1984 and 2005. Using UN voting as an indicator of alignment with the U.S., the paper presents evidence that World Bank structural adjustment loan disbursements are less dependent on macroeconomic performance in countries aligned with the United States.  相似文献   

18.
The fact that so many countries register low per capita income after receiving enormous amounts of foreign aid questions its effectiveness as a tool for economic growth and consequently as an instrument of poverty alleviation. The impact of foreign aid on economic growth is ultimately an empirical question and one that will be addressed in this paper. The paper uses the most recent data and incorporates most of the salient features of the new growth literature to test the effect of aid on economic growth. Three important conclusions emerged from the empirical analysis of the paper. First, it shows that the effect of aid on growth is nonlinear. The nonlinearity of the relationship indicates a threshold for foreign aid beyond which more aid is detrimental to economic growth. Second, the empirical results of this paper support Burnside and Dollars findings that a good policy environment is important for aid to work effectively. Aid effectiveness can only be sustained in an environment of good economic policy. Finally, using etholinguistic fractionalization as an instrument, the empirical results of the paper indicate that the relationship between AID/GDP and economic growth is sequential. More and more aid leads to lower economic growth.The authors would like to thank W. Mark Crain, G. Chris Rodrigo, Willem Thorbecke, an anonymous referee, and the participants of the 57th International Atlantic Economic Conference held in Lisbon, March 10–14, 2004. This paper is presented to the conference under a different title. Professor Ali would also like to thank the Research Council of Niagara University for their financial help.  相似文献   

19.
There has been relatively little investigation of the effect of constitutional transformations on the economic transition in post‐communist countries. We develop a simple signalling model in which constitutionalism – a commitment to limit political power and provide judicial defence of basic rights – reinforces the credibility of pro‐market candidates’ electoral promises and boosts public support for economic reforms. These findings are tested using opinion poll data on public support for reform in Central and Eastern Europe, and in the former Soviet Union, in the 1990s. In a two‐stage procedure we show that public support for market reforms is higher in countries where incumbents have taken deliberate steps to increase political accountability and judicial independence. Public support also spurs actual economic reform.  相似文献   

20.
随着农业贸易自由化的推进,国内农业支持政策对于提高农业竞争力和解决"三农"问题至关重要。自1995年以来,WTO成员为遵循《农业协议》的要求,通过调整国内农业政策,将国内农业支持逐渐由"黄箱"转向"绿箱"。通过对WTO成员中大量使用"绿箱"支出的三个发达成员——美国、欧盟、日本的国内农业支持政策改革及其"绿箱"政策实施情况的考察,可以看出,由于"绿箱"补贴增加了农民收入并使农民面临的风险减少,会刺激农民进行生产性投入,增加农业生产,加剧国际农产品市场竞争的不公平性,使发展中国家的农业生产者在国际竞争中处于不利地位。因此,WTO成员在实现农业支持向"绿箱"转变的同时,应对其补贴总量进行控制和削减,减少变相的价格支持。  相似文献   

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