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1.
The differences which have characterized various marxist analyses of the state are to a large extent due to an inability to envisage simultaneously the four major levels of reality of the state, that is:
  • 1 The state defined as a ‘developed form of the socialization of the process of production’.
  • 2 The state as instrument of domination and hegemony at the service of the dominant class.
  • 3 The state as the place of confrontation and unstable balance between antagonistic social classes.
  • 4 Finally, the state as a place of rupture or transition between a declining dominant class and a rising dominated class—to take up Gramsci's formulation.
Applied to the analysis of urban capitalist policies, such a dialectical method should enable one to grasp, in all its contradictory aspects, the intervention of the capitalist state in the process of production-consumption. Instead of opposing or isolating these four levels of analysis, it should on the contrary lead to demonstrating how the state apparatus can be understood at the same time as:
  • 1 Process of financing and spatial organization of the means of collective consumption.
  • 2 Process of social segregation at the profit of the dominant class.
  • 3 The place of confrontation between classes with antagonistic interests, confrontation being the result of political concessions to the dominated classes, the nature of these concessions—their real impact—varying according to the historical period considered, and consequently according to the margin of economic man?uvre available to the capitalist class.
  • 4 The place of formation of a counter-hegemony which will produce a revolutionary social movement made up of a new rising class, which will bring with it a new urbanistic model as well as a new project of society.
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2.
Castells’ definition, developed in The City and the Grassroots, of urban social movements as movements which combine struggles over collective consumption with those for community culture and political self‐determination, reflects the dynamics of movements in the 1960s and 1970s — which have since undergone a series of transformations. In spite of these transformations and fragmentations, Castells’ analysis remains relevant to contemporary studies of urban movements. One of its legacies is the identification of the conflict lines along which, still today, the major urban contestations take place, even though most of the individual movements no longer converge in one multi‐class actor intent on urban social change. The issue of collective consumption is more topical than ever in the current conjuncture, as public infrastructure and services are curtailed, and as local as well as supra‐national manifestations of the anti‐globalization movement are zeroing in on the neoliberalization of the public sector. Also, Castells’ highlighting of the contesting of state power has proved prophetic, not only in the continued presence of autonomous strands in the varied protests against commercialization, privatization, surveillance and exclusion, but also because it implies a sharp critique of the limitation of the civic engagement discourse currently in vogue.  相似文献   

3.
In The City and the Grassroots, Manuel Castells recentered the city as the site of distinctively urban social movements and reaffirmed the role of purposive social action in constructing a distinctively urban space. Although Castells’ recitation of five centuries of urban political activism documents the consistent failure of such movements to achieve their goals, his account is persistently optimistic on at least three counts. First, recentering the city reminds us that, despite the failure of transitory political movements, the city endures as an opportunity for renewed political activism. The continual possibility of change offered by the city's ontological persistence is separate from the fate of any given political intervention. Second, regardless of its specific success or failure, each episode of urban activism establishes a new context for the next encounter, its legacy persisting in the collective memories — the stock of mnemonic capital — of which the city is the repository. Third, Castells’ emphasis on political agency affirms that, while all action is ephemeral, its constitutive re‐enactment ceaselessly provides openings for insurgency and transgression. This optimistic message is worth repeating today.  相似文献   

4.
To analyse the historical evolution of the building sector in Chile, and the way in which it reflects and affects the social structure as a whole, it is necessary to consider two aspects:
  • 1 the building sector, considered as a specific part of the production sphere, a specific system of economic and social interests;
  • 2 the building front, where the social practices of the conflicting forces express the needs of the reproduction of the labour force, and the class struggle in the building sector, opposed to speculation and capital accumulation processes.
Before 1970, the capital interests were dominant, strongly organized through the Chilean Building Chamber and its influence on government policy-making, and linked with US imperialism, particularly at the finance level. With the Popular Unity Government, a series of measures expressed the shift to the dominant interests of the working class: nationalization of the main private banks; control of the housing market; organization, control and partial socialization of the building industry; breaking of urban segregation patterns; national agreement on wages policy. The construction front was affected by new forms of class struggle: construction brigades, unemployed brigades, popular planning and, at the same time, new forms of economic and political retaliation by capital. This led first to the employers' strike and then, through the constitution of a capitalist class bloc supported by imperialism, to the coup d'etat, which restored the fullest opportunity for exploitation, speculation, segregation, and the power of the Chilean Building Chamber.  相似文献   

5.
  • The world in which we are all fundraising is changing—and changing fast. We are seeing a new generation of donors coming through and the environment (not least the economy) that we operate in has also changed. And, on top of this, our need to engage people in different aspects of our organisations develops all the time.
  • As we become more integrated in the way we work, so our donors need us to be more integrated in the way we communicate with them. This paper explores why this is good for the charity and the donor and some of the ways that organisations are making this happen.
Copyright © 2009 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd.  相似文献   

6.
Manuel Castells’The City and the Grassroots must be considered one of the most important books ever published on urban social movements. Castells elegantly identifies three core themes of modern urban social movements: collective consumption, defense of cultural‐territorial identity, and local government as a target for political mobilization. Providing rich empirical documentation, Castells makes a persuasive argument about the nature of urban social movements and the critical importance of space and place in social movement mobilization. There is, however, a significant gap in The City and the Grassroots: its failure to consider conservative suburban movements and their relationship to the growing politics of neoliberalism. Castells’ spatially sensitized framework, nonetheless, remains powerful and can be usefully employed to analyze the still poorly understood politics of neoliberalism.  相似文献   

7.
  • The Indigenous cultural sector is a dynamic and highly valuable to the Australian economy, returning an estimated $100 million annually. The majority of Indigenous cultural producers are micro-enterprises—businesses consisting of fewer than five employees. Many of these struggle to market their products, some from extremely remote and isolated locations; others with few resources in urban areas.
  • This paper initially approaches a conceptual orientation to Web marketing as a potential signifier of innovation and entrepreneurship. The paper draws on previous literature and a current exploratory study of Indigenous Cultural Micro-Enterprises (ICMEs), focussing on two case studies for deeper analysis. The two exemplary cases outlined are Maningrida Arts Centre, and the performing arts organisation Kooemba Jdarra. Specifically, their innovative use of recent technology (multimedia websites) will be assessed to answer the question: What are the attributes of effective ICME Web marketing?
Copyright © 2006 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd.  相似文献   

8.
  • The number of nonprofit and social agencies relying on the help of volunteers has grown enormously in recent decades. This has lead to increased competition between these organisations for the limited resources available, and the growing adoption of what have traditionally been considered ‘commercial’ business techniques such as marketing. There have been calls for greater and more sophisticated use of ‘tried and tested’ marketing concepts such as competition, segmentation and positioning to help volunteering organisations manage this pressure effectively. This study shines the spotlight on individuals who volunteer for multiple types of organisations in an effort to determine which organisations are competing for the same volunteers. More specifically:
  • Factor analyses are computed and four segments of volunteers are identified: ‘altruists’, ‘leisure volunteers’, ‘political volunteers’ and ‘church volunteers’;
  • Positioning maps are constructed to illustrate the proximity of each organisation type in relation to key competitors; and
  • Detailed profiles are provided for each segment to provide insight into the nature of the groupings.
Copyright © 2006 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd.  相似文献   

9.
In Monterrey, third city of Mexico, there exists one of the most important urban social movements in the world: the ‘posesionarios’ of the ‘colonias proletarias’. Quantitatively: they number 100 000 in a city of 1 600 000. Qualitatively: they are ideologically radical, politically conscious and realistic, mostly based on political self-reliance. A short stay within the movement has permitted the author to grasp some non-confidential information that should be disseminated as one of the most interesting experiences of recent urban struggles in Latin America.  相似文献   

10.
  • We study if men and women are subject to different influences when determining their level of charitable giving. In particular, we examine differential sensitivities to social norms among donors to a public radio station. Our survey of 975 donors finds that male donors are more likely than female donors to use social norms to inform their own behavior. We conduct a laboratory experiment to investigate the influence of social information on social norm formation and giving. Our results suggest that temporarily created social norms influence giving by men significantly more than by women. This result replicates and establishes the causal relationship between social norms and donations suggested by our field findings. We conclude with a discussion of theoretical and practical implications of these results.
Copyright © 2009 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd.  相似文献   

11.
  • Branding in universities has become an increasingly topical issue with practitioners, with some institutions committing substantial financial resources to branding activities. It has, however, received only limited academic investigation, and as the particular characteristics of the sector present challenges for those seeking to build brands, it seems to be timely and appropriate to investigate potential barriers to branding.
  • This exploratory study investigates the opinions of the ‘brand guardians’ of UK universities—Vice Chancellors, Principals and Rectors—on the barriers to successfully building brands and draws conclusions on their views of the key challenges facing successful branding activity in the sector. Implications for practitioners are also explored.
Copyright © 2006 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd.  相似文献   

12.
Theorizing the Politicizing City   总被引:2,自引:0,他引:2  
This introductory symposium article develops a framework for an urban political reading and a theorization of urban uprisings. We argue that there is a need to foreground the notion of the urban political as central to the theoretical and practical demands of urban research today. First, we revisit critical urban theory in light of recent urban insurrections and point out a lack of sustained theoretical engagement with the political. Second, based on this critique, we argue for what we call a ‘re‐centring of the urban political' to rethink urban theory in ways that consider the city as a site of political encounter, interruption and experimentation, even when, or perhaps especially when, these ways fall outside institutional forms or lack the organizational form or legitimacy of social movements. Thus, we attempt to place politics at the heart of radical urban political theory and practice today in order to make sense of urban subjects, events and claims that elude established government practices and institutionalized structures.  相似文献   

13.
In Part I of this paper,2it was suggested that a concern for the social responsibilities of large business enterprises had received far less explicit attention in Britain than it has in the United States. In the latter it has preoccupied corporate managers, business critics, scholars, trade unionists and the general public for more than a generation. My analysis of the reasons for the comparatively lower degree of British concern with the social role of business enterprise stressed the importance of the following seven factors:
  • 1 There exists in Britain (relative to the United States) greater reliance on publicly owned enterprises about which the public policy debate concerning the social role of business institutions has been focused.
  • 2 British acceptance of corporate size and market dominance is greater than in the United States.
  • 3 A long-standing governmental involvement in economy and society has characterized Britain's political economy.
  • 4 A pre-emption of societal leadership functions by non-business élites has occurred in Britain.
  • 5 The impact of Britain's social structure has produced an informal Clite consensus regarding a limited social role for business.
  • 6 There is a British tradition of according privacy to business and other social institutions.
  • 7 There is a lesser degree of‘professionalism’ in management practice–both in terms of substance and style–in Britain when compared with the United States.
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14.
Apart from local monographs and normative texts on community participation, research on community leadership constitutes a blind spot in urban leadership, urban politics, social movements and urban studies. This article, based on case studies in post‐apartheid Johannesburg, contributes to theorizing community leadership, or informal local political leadership, by exploring Bourdieu's concepts of ‘political capital’ and ‘double dealings’. Considering community leaders as brokers between local residents and various institutions (in South Africa, the state and the party), we examine how leaders construct their political legitimacy, both towards ‘the bottom’ (building and maintaining their constituencies), and towards ‘the top’ (seeking and sustaining recognition from fractions of the party and the state). These legitimation processes are often in tension, pulling community leaders in contradictory directions, usefully understood under Bourdieu's concept of ‘double dealings’. Community leaders are required, more than formally elected political leaders, to constantly reassert their legitimacy in multiple local public arenas due to the informal nature of their mandate and the high level of political competition between them — with destructive consequences for local polity but also the potential for increased accountability to their followers. We finally reflect on the relevance of this theoretical framework, inspired by Bourdieu, beyond South African urban politics.  相似文献   

15.
  • ‘Celebrity endorsement’ is a strategy that is gathering increasing momentum in attempts to develop public awareness of the plight of the poor. 1
  • 1 We say below the goal of endorsement is not necessarily donations but political commitment.
  • Understanding of public perceptions is clearly important for international organizations seeking to make use of celebrity in furthering their causes. This paper reports the results of a preliminary survey conducted among 100 members of the Irish public to evaluate levels of awareness of celebrity involvement in international development work and the public's opinions about such involvement. The survey instrument was semi-structured with some open-ended questions. The focus was on respondents' ability to identify celebrities associated with such work, and to elicit their opinions on those celebrities' perceived aims, knowledge of international development, and influence upon the respondent. It also requested opinions of the value of celebrity involvement more generally. The results suggest that respondents are generally able to distinguish between celebrities and their various causes. Most found their involvement to be valuable in raising the profile of charities, though only a small number claimed to be personally influenced by such activity. The respondents were fairly cynical as to the motives of most celebrities, whose involvement they felt served their own aims—namely publicity—first and foremost.
  • Most respondents were more likely to be influenced by their perceptions of the character of the celebrity rather than their causes. They respected celebrities they felt were genuinely committed to the causes they espoused, but paradoxically, they felt such commitment was best demonstrated by the celebrity keeping a low profile and not actively seeking publicity. Long-term commitment to a given cause was also highly regarded. The results are discussed with regard to theories of social persuasion and the dilemma's facing celebrities who get involve in endorsement of charity aid or campaigns. More research is necessary to substantiate and further develop our findings.
Copyright ©2009 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd.  相似文献   

16.
  • Non‐traditional charitable sources of revenue may be categorised as follows:
    • Venture philanthropy: Human resources and funding invested as donation in the charity by entrepreneurs, venture capitalists, trusts and corporations in search of a social return on their investment. It involves high engagement over many years with fixed milestones and tangible returns and exit achieved by developing alternative, sustainable income.
    • Commercial ventures: They seek a financial return on investment by creating a social enterprise operated by charities and their trading/holding companies alone or in partnership with the corporate sector, venture capitalists or investors to provide funding. Venture philanthropists may also ‘invest’ without establishing an equity position in the commercial enterprise. Any profits are re‐directed to mission‐related activity, although the business activity may or may not be mission related.
    • Social venture capital: It funds commercial ventures (as above) but may not seek a complete return on investment; instead the investor may off set some or all of the investment against social outcomes.
  • Within the context of venture philanthropy, this paper demonstrates how charities, venture capitalists and entrepreneurs may work together in strategic alliances. It explores venture philanthropy from the perspective of venture capitalists and entrepreneurs, giving examples. Charities are shown how to prepare themselves to take advantage of these entrepreneurial opportunities.
  • Although the emphasis in this paper is on venture philanthropy, the processes outlined may be used to help a charity take advantage of opportunities within the broader social entrepreneurial context. Successful venture capitalists and entrepreneurs have demonstrated the ability to turn outline business ideas into big results, frequently in highly competitive business environments.
  • A common characteristic that appears to unite these individuals when they divert their interest toward social ventures is a desire to apply their business‐like approach, which includes planning processes, milestones and outcome measurement to their social venture activity.
Copyright © 2005 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd.  相似文献   

17.
《Economic Outlook》2019,43(Z4):1-33
Overview: Some glimmers of hope start to appear
  • ? Prospects for early‐2019 remain downbeat, but latest data offer some glimmers of hope that growth is beginning to stabilise. We continue to expect easier financial conditions and other policy support to trigger a modest acceleration in global GDP growth in the latter part of 2019.
  • ? On the face of it, our latest forecasts suggest that we have become more upbeat about the outlook for the global economy. We now forecast world GDP will rise by 2.7% this year and 2.9% in 2020, after last year's 3.2% gain, upward revisions of 0.2pp for both 2018 and 2019 and 0.1pp for next year. But these revisions largely reflect a change in the GDP base year from 2010 to 2015. This has increased the weights of faster‐growing economies such as China at the expense of slower‐growing economies, in turn boosting world GDP growth.
  • ? There are plenty of reasons to remain cautious in the near term. For instance, trade indicators have continued to weaken recently, while the global manufacturing PMI has fallen to only just above the 50 no‐change level.
  • ? However, there are some signs that both trade and manufacturing data (at least outside the eurozone) may be beginning to stabilise. Just as importantly, the global services PMI has picked up in the early stages of this year. In the past, sustained global slowdowns have tended to see the services PMI follow the manufacturing PMI down. Meanwhile, European retail sales have continued to expand in early‐2019.
  • ? Beyond the short term, we remain cautiously optimistic that GDP growth will pick up again. Chinese credit data, which leads hard activity data, has recently improved and, although uncertainties over US‐EU trade relations remain, global trade tensions seem to be waning. Last but not least, more dovish central banks — we no longer expect the Fed to hike rates again in this cycle — and the resultant loosening in financial conditions should support growth in both the advanced and emerging economies.
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18.
  • The purpose of this paper is to assess the interrelations between learning orientation, innovation strategy, relationship orientation and economic and social performance in the management of cultural organizations such as museums. We first provide a review of the literature addressing the main constructs involved in the research: learning orientation, innovation, relationship orientation and performance, and we detail the model's hypotheses reflecting the interrelations amongst the proposed variables. Building on extensive literature, a model is developed and empirically tested using survey data collected from 491 European museums in Spain, France, Italy and the UK. Data are analysed through structural equation modelling. In the present study, evidence is found to support the positive and significant link between learning orientation and internal (organizational innovation) as well as external (relationship orientation) changes in museums. Further, we find that organizational innovation and relationship orientation aid the introduction of greater technological developments in these organizations. We also find evidence to support the idea that learning orientation, innovation strategy and relationship orientation impact the economic and social performance of museums. Findings clearly show that achieving organizational objectives through learning processes necessarily entails the introduction of internal changes—innovation—and external relationships—relationship orientation.
Copyright © 2014 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd.  相似文献   

19.
The recent flurry of research about arts‐led regeneration initiatives illuminates how contemporary arts festivals can become complicit in the production of urban inequality. But researchers rarely engage with detailed empirical examples that shed light on the contradictory role that artists sometimes play within these spectacularized events. Similar research in performance studies connects the political limits and potential of social practice arts — interventions that encourage artists and non‐artists to co‐produce work — as civic boosters strive to stage cities in order to attract investment. In this article, I explore the case study of Streetscape: Living Space at Regent Park, a participatory artistic intervention programmed in a public housing neighbourhood that is undergoing redevelopment in Toronto, Canada. Streetscape was part of the Luminato festival, an elite booster coalition‐led festival of ‘creativity’. I refer to these arts interventions to demonstrate how artists engaging in social practice arts can become complicit in naturalizing colonial gentrification processes at multiple scales. But I also reveal how artists can leverage heterogeneous arts‐led regeneration strategies to make space for ‘radical social praxis’ (Kwon, 2004), interventions that challenge hegemonic regimes. I conclude by interrogating the effectiveness of place‐based efforts in unsettling the ‘creative city’.  相似文献   

20.
《Economic Outlook》2015,39(2):5-12
  • Our modelling suggests that, based upon the three main parties’ economic and fiscal plans, the outcome of the General Election would have a modest, but not immaterial, impact on the UK's economic and fiscal outlook. The Liberal Democrat plans would deliver the strongest GDP growth, followed by Labour, but both would also involve higher debt servicing costs and a higher level of government debt than the plans of the Conservatives.
  • In our view these premiums on debt and borrowing costs are so small that it is very difficult to argue that the UK should pursue a more austere fiscal policy and reject the opportunity of stronger growth. But with the latest opinion polls suggesting that it is likely that the next government will be either a minority administration, or a coalition consisting of three or more parties, it is most likely that we will ultimately see some combination of the main parties' plans enacted.
  • The experience of 2010 suggests that such political uncertainty could mean that we see several bouts of market nervousness between now and May 7th, particularly in equity markets. However, such turbulence is likely to be short‐lived, providing that the resulting government is perceived to be strong and durable. Even a multi‐party coalition may not be such a bad thing, particularly if it watered down the more contentious policies of the main parties. The worst‐case scenario would be a weak minority government which is both unable to pass any meaningful legislation and unable to seek a fresh mandate. Such a scenario could seriously undermine confidence amongst investors and firms.
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