中部六省商务成本比较研究——以中部六省省会城市为例

商务成本是企业在投资决策时考虑的重要因素,也是衡量一个国家或地区综合竞争力的重要方面。文章根据对商务成本内涵的理解,构建了一个多层次的商务成本评价指标体系,分别从商务总成本、要素成本、交易成本等方面,对中部六省省会城市的商务成本进行了比较和分析,并对政府如何进一步降低商务成本、改善投资环境提出了建议。     

打造适合北京地位的投资环境

本期的“焦点”栏目,探讨关于商务成本的话题。北京是一个商务成本相对较高的地区。但正如作者文中所说的那样．商务成本的高低．并不是吸引投资的决定性因素，决定性因素．是投资环境的优劣。所以．降低商务成本的一切努力，根本目的在于改善投资环境。     

上海市商务成本构成因素及趋势分析

商务成本是投资、贸易、经营和区域经济开发中需要考虑的重要因素,分析商务成本现状和结构性变动趋势有助于了解一国或一地区投资环境的现状.文章在商务成本概念界定及其结构分析的基础上确定了商务成本的考量指标,然后运用这套指标体系分析了上海市商务成本的现状和结构性变动趋势,最后给出了优化商务成本的参考性建议.     

区域商务成本分析

商务成本一般指企业在设立和商务营运中所发生的直接或间接的成本支出。区域商务成本，则为企业在设立和商务营运中所发生的与区域投资环境相关的直接或间接成本支出，主要包括要素成本、配套成本、政策成本、动作成本和环境成本。其中：要素成本指区域地价、工资、租金等构成生产要素的企业成本；配套成本指区域市政设施等配套项目收费形成的企业成本；政策成本指区域用地、补偿、税收等政策产生的企业成本；运作成本指区域审批、咨询等商务运作中发生的企业成本；环境成本指区域经济、政治、文化等环境间接导致的企业成本。     

长江三角洲地区城市群商务成本比较研究--以杭、沪、嘉、甬、苏为例

随着各地招商引资竞争的日趋激烈，商务成本这一新概念已经逐渐为人们所认识，如何降低商务成本已成为各地政府越来越关心的问题，希望此能对我省各级地方政府和机关研究人员有所助益。     

上海：破解降低商务成本的世界性难题

商务成本，是指投资企业和商业活动的各种成本，如土地价格、购买或租赁商务楼的价格、员工薪酬和保险福利、交通车辆费用、水电煤气开支、办公设备和消耗品、各种服务费用、税收等。如何降低商务成本，已成为国际大都市面临的世界性难题。     

长江三角洲地区城市群商务成本比较研究——以杭、沪、嘉、甬、苏为例

一、研究现状 　　商务成本,本来是一个与企业商务投资相关的成本分析指标,指企业为维持生产而发生的最小范围的费用,可分为要素成本和交易成本两个方面.要素成本又称硬商务成本,主要指土地价格、劳动力价格、水、电、煤等生产资料费用、办公用房租金和一些基础设施使用费等. 　　……     

北京、上海、大连、重庆、深圳——中国五大城市商务成本比较

商务经营成本是所有企业在做投资决策时所要考虑的一个重要因素，也是衡量一个国家或一个城市综合竞争力的重要方面，因此商务经营成本成为近来一个热门的话题。上海社会科学院世界经济研究所的傅钧文、金芳等专家组成的课题组对此进行了较长时间的研究，并通过抽样调查等方法比较了北京、上海、大连、重庆和深圳五大城市的商务成本，他们的研究报告对我们分析城市的商务成本或许有所启示。     

城市商务环境评价模型及其实证分析

良好的商务环境是企业进行投资的前提与基础,也是政府努力的目标。本文从广义的商务成本出发。从现代经济增长的基本要素、市场条件、国际化程度、城市基础设施和公共部门服务和居民生活5个维度建立城市商务环境的指标体系和理论评价模型,并选取长三角洲的11个城市作为样本进行实证分析。     

赣州与周边地区商务成本比较研究

以实地调查为基础,以赣州和周边地市、珠江三角洲为比较对象,从两个层面比较了生产经营成本、生产服务成本、物流成本等商务成本的现状,阐述了赣州商务成本的优势和劣势,指出投资软环境的改善成为商务成本竞争的重要手段.     

“温 良 恭 俭 让”

选自于:<论语·学而> 解读:人要学会温和、善良、恭谨、简朴、谦让.即:做人一定要有美好的德行.其实这正也是自古以来的做人之本.     

经纪人、交易员、律师和间谍

金融危机过后，“华尔街阴谋论”逐渐盛行起来，可惜都是臆测居多，缺乏真凭实据。而本书的作者以真实的访谈入手，揭出CIA等情报机构与华尔街银行合作的种种细节，可谓匠心独具。     

Assessing black progress: employment,occupation, earnings,income, poverty

Farley discusses changes in employment, occupation, earnings, income, and poverty among US blacks. Among black men, there has been a persistent rise in unemployment since 1960. By the early 1980s, 1 black man out of 8 had dropped out of the labor force, compared to 1 in 20 white men. Some contend that many black men lack the skills to be employed or have personal habits and criminal records which make them unacceptable to employers. Others believe that the expansion of federal welfare programs offers attractive alternatives to men who have limited earnings potential. Still others stress that blacks are concentrated within cities, while the growth of employment is occurring in suburbs. Among those blacks over age 54, labor force participation has declined because of improved Social Security benefits, better private pensions, and the greater availability of Supplemental Security Income. The employment of young blacks compared to whites has deteriorated since 1960. For both races, there has been a steady rise in the employment of women. The recent increases, however, have been great for whites. By the early 1980s, white women caught up with black women in terms of employment. Unlike the indicators of employment itself, there is unambiguous evidence that the occupational distribution of employed blacks has been upgraded and is gradually becoming similar to that of whites. Findings from many studies show that blacks once earned much less than similar whites, but this racial difference has declined among men and has nearly disappeared among women. The proportion of blacks impoverished fell sharply in the 1960s, reaching a minimum of 30% in the early 1970s. Since the early 1970s, blacks have made few gains. The proportion impoverished actually increased and the ratio of black-to-white family income declined. The fact that the earnings of black males are no longer rising faster than those of whites and that there is no longer a migration from southern farms to cities plays a role, but changes in family structure are also important. At all dates, poverty rates have been high and income levels low in families headed by women. In 1984, for example, 52% of the black families with a woman as head of household were below the poverty line, compared to 15% of the black married-couple families. While similar trends are occurring in white families, there has been a sharper increase in the proportion of blacks living in these female-maintained families which have high poverty rates.