China,India and the US Rebalance to the Asia Pacific: The Geopolitics of Rising Identities

The US rebalance to the Asia Pacific is consistently interpreted as a response to China’s material rise. While not entirely incorrect, this assumption – derived from an overriding faith in the explanatory significance of relative state capabilities – fails to explain why rapidly rising others, most notably India, remain absent from regional US security discourse, and why a heavy US presence in Asia predates China’s ascent of the 1970s onwards. To address these problems and offer an improved explanation of what the rebalance is, how and why it has come about, and what it is designed to achieve within the context of China’s rise, this analysis draws from critical geopolitics and postcolonial theory. It argues that the rebalance is best conceived as the (re)articulation of historical discourses which construct certain foreign Others like China as challenges to the ontological American self, making the rebalance an attempt to pacify a particular rising identity as much as a rising state actor. The analysis is motivated in part by the question of how the rebalance is enabled in its current form. From here, the article addresses an increasing yet regressive tendency of International Relations theory to deny studies of the ‘how possible’ explanatory value, encouraging their marginalisation in favour of examinations into ‘why’ political decisions are made.     

Global slack hypothesis: evidence from China,India and Pakistan

It is widely believed that globalization has changed inflation process. The global resource capacity reduces responsiveness of inflation to domestic activity and increases responsiveness of inflation to global resource capacity. This global slack hypothesis is tested using different theoretical specifications, which also relate domestic output elasticity and foreign output elasticity to the degree of trade openness of an individual economy. The results reject this hypothesis. The global resource capacity does not drive domestic inflation. The impact of globalization has not increased in the inflation process, and the results yield important policy implications for monetary policy formulation. The global resource capacity does not affect ability of the central banks to stabilize inflation, real economic activity and also respond to the volatility of output growth.     

The New Geopolitics of Disease: Between Global Health and Global Security

This article describes the emergence of a new geopolitics of disease following the end of the Cold War and offers a framework for thinking about it. Three main questions are asked. First, why is disease now a geopolitical issue? Second, how has this new geopolitics emerged? And third, what are the implications of the emergence of disease as a geopolitical issue for the meaning and practice of global health? It is argued that disease is now seen as a geopolitical issue in terms of four main dimensions: destabilisation, sovereignty, the instrumentalisation of health, and geopolitical economy. Second, this new geopolitics has emerged in the context of larger debates about globalisation, development and security, and has emanated primarily from Northern institutions. Third, drawing on critical approaches to security, it is suggested that while the securitisation of health offers certain benefits, it also carries risks. The article identifies a number of critical tensions in the new geopolitics of disease as a way of negotiating these risks and anchoring the concept of global health security in a larger vision of health in an era of globalisation.     

Counter-Factual Geopolitics: President Al Gore,September 11th and the Global War on Terror

In this paper, a counter-factual geopolitics is addressed with specific reference to the US presidential election of November 2000. What difference would it have made if President Al Gore had been confirmed as holder of that office rather than George W. Bush? Would we have had a very different kind of response to September 11^th for example? By focusing on some of the speeches and remarks given by Al Gore, we consider how a different strategy might have emerged following that momentous event. It is contended, however, that despite what the anti-Bush critics might have wished for, the geopolitical and spatial consequences of a Gore administration might have differed only on tactics and strategies rather than fundamental principles. By way of conclusion, the paper considers how counter-factualism might contribute to the further development of critical geopolitical scholarship.     

The Domestication of Geopolitics: Buddhist-Muslim Conflict and the Policing of Marriage and the Body in Ladakh,India

This paper approaches intimacy as a site of geopolitical practice. What happens when the body is the territory through which geopolitical strategies are played out? In the Leh district of India's Jammu and Kashmir state Buddhist/Muslim conflict is articulated at the site of the body and geopolitical strategies impinge on personal decisions. Over the past century religious identity has increasingly taken on political meaning in Leh, particularly since the 1980s. Interestingly, for average Ladakhis political conflict is described in terms of bodies – that is, through discussions of who should or should not eat together, get married, or have children. By destabilising the global geopolitical scale, we can arrive at a richer and more nuanced understanding of the everyday ways in which our bodies are incorporated into or reject incorporation into geopolitical strategies to control territory.

In the past, the Buddhists were more. Now, it's the Buddhists, mostly, I think, who have used family planning. Among the Shia Muslims, if you look in Kargil and Chushot, even now, they have nine each or eight each. Rinpoches say that our Buddhists are getting fewer, and then our Hill Council, in the future it's going to be run by Shia Muslims. What the Buddhist Association did, it said to all the Buddhists, “You should think. Up to four, or up to six, or up to five, let them be born. Don't sterilize after two.” (Yangdol, 45-year-old Buddhist mother of three) ¹ 1. Names of research participants have been replaced with pseudonyms throughout. Yangdol uses here the term “Balti,” to refer to Shia Muslims. In Ladakh the terms Balti and Kache are frequently used to distinguish between Shia and Sunni Muslims. These terms however, are somewhat misleading as they are geographic markers – Balti means a person from Baltistan and Kache means Kashmiri. These terms are regularly applied to Ladakhis to denote their religious identity, but in my interviews I have found it is more common for Buddhists to deploy these words and that Muslims more often differentiate using the terms Shia and Sunni. In later interviews throughout this paper I have translated Balti and Kache as Shia and Sunni, however, I have bracketed the term to indicate this substitution. A rinpoche is a high monk, generally the reincarnated spiritual leader of a particular monastery. Kargil is the district to Leh's west, dominated by Shia Muslims, and Chushot is a Shia-majority village that meanders along the Indus River, just southeast of Leh.

In the beginning, in the very beginning, the relationship was very good. We were like one person. There were Buddhists who married with Muslims, and Muslims who married with Buddhists. Now, times have changed, and things are different. Now people don't understand, and they have bad hearts. (Razia, 45-year-old Sunni mother of two)     

知识经济:中国面临的机遇与挑战

在知识经济即将来临之际,中国既面临着机遇,也面临着挑战。面临的挑战主要来自知识与人才积累以及自身的准备不足,再就是在迎接知识经济挑战的同时,我国还必须完成制度变革。面临的机遇则是可以借高新技术加速我国的工业化进程,同时可以提高国民的整体素质     

From the Global Food Crisis to the Age of Austerity: The Anxious Geopolitics of Global Food Security

The impacts of recent food, financial, and energy crises have reinvigorated a geopolitical enframing of global food security that makes foreign development assistance a primary component of national security strategies. This centres elite fears of hunger and underdevelopment and strongly shapes policies and strategies adopted in response. Geopolitical fears of hungry and food insecure populations are compounded by the politics of austerity and cuts to foreign aid budgets and social spending. This paper examines the geopolitics of food security, fear, and austerity as expressed in the rhetoric and strategies of major aid donor governments, especially the US and UK, and proposes an alternative geopolitics that builds from the affective dimensions of hunger, food insecurity, and vulnerability as experienced by the hungry and poor. The example of farmer suicides and agrarian political mobilisation in India demonstrates how this affective alternative geopolitics may be constructed and examined.     

论我国知识经济的集约型发展

随着知识经济的深入发展,尤其是在全球金融危机之后,世界各国知识经济出现最大化节约成本、提高知识成果质量和加快知识成果应用速度的集约型发展趋势。根据知识经济运行原理,在提出知识经济集约型发展实现途径的基础上,结合实际,从我国知识生产的投入、知识生产的产出和知识应用3个方面进行分析,总结出我国知识经济发展的现状和存在的问题,并提出相应的对策建议。     

知识经济与建设山川秀美的新西部

建设山川秀美的新西部 ,实现人与环境、自然生态的和谐协调发展 ,是西部大开发的一个重要目标。西方一些国家付出环境、资源的沉重代价而实现了工业化 ,我国尚未实现工业化却已付出了沉重的代价。知识经济以知识和信息为核心资源 ,科学利用现有资源 ,开发利用新的资源。解决西部大开发中面临的资源、环境生态问题 ,必须发展知识经济     

市域经济、市区经济与人口流动——以江苏省为例

由于户籍人口行政布局与市域人口经济布局、市区人口经济布局的人口分布各不相同,江苏省13个地级市存在两种滞差现象。分析了江苏省地级市户籍人口行政布局、市域人口经济布局及市区人口经济布局的特点,揭示了江苏省地级市人口行政布局与人口经济布局之间的两种滞差现象,结合两种滞差对江苏省地级市进行分类探讨,给出了流动人口管理的启示。     

Labour Unrest in the Global Political Economy: The Case of China's 2010 Strike Wave

This paper argues that whilst the relationship between US consumerism and China's low-wage production has underpinned China's economic growth in recent years, policy-makers are increasingly cognisant of heightened internal and external vulnerabilities, namely increased domestic social unrest and downturns in US demand. Despite calls for increased domestic consumption, opinion remains divided as to the extent to which policy-makers will make a genuine departure with China's export-orientation. This paper argues, however, that the direction of the Chinese political economy will depend much on the transformative role of workers’ struggles. Placed in a broader north-east Asian comparative perspective, we argue that China appears to be on the verge of a transition towards a limited labour supply, as evidenced in increasing labour shortages, rising wages costs and new forms of labour unrest. An in-depth case study of the strike at Nanhai Honda in 2010 suggests that China's migrant workers are beginning to develop a class consciousness and move from reactive to proactive demands. Furthermore, the response of the Chinese state and employers has shifted from one of outright repression to one of accommodation. These trends are likely to be highly significant in terms of China's uneven integration into the global economy.     

论知识经济与知识旅游者的假设

以知识为基础．强调和重视学习的知识经济正超越工业经济向我们走来。知识人成为人们对知识经济时代经济分析与管理理论中人性假设的必然选择。在知识经济时代．人不仅是经济上理性的、利用知识合理决策的人,是情感上追求归属与尊重的人．更是高度依赖知识、积极创造知识、无限进取的人。在知识经济时代．旅游活动的主体——旅游者将由传统型旅游者转变为“知识旅游者”．即旅游者将从传统的功利性较强的旅游世俗愉悦追求,向以重视知识与文化的学习、体验与创新的旅游审美愉悦追求转变。知识旅游者的假设从旅游者的需要——旅游市场这条主线入手,为考察知识经济对旅游管理的影响开创了一条新思路。     

The Rise of China and Its Implications for the Global Economy: Evidence from a Global Vector Autoregressive Model

This paper studies empirically the role of China in the world economy. We examine both the way the Chinese economy reacts to exchange rate shocks and the repercussions for the world economy of an output shock emanating from China. Based on a global vector autoregressive model and a new data set that excels in country coverage and covers the most recent time period including the global financial crisis, our results are threefold: First, we show that a +1% shock to Chinese output translates to a permanent increase of 1.1% in Chinese real GDP and a 0.1% to 0.5% rise in output for most large economies. Second, to benchmark the shock to Chinese output, we examine the response to a +1% shock to US GDP. The results show that the US economy remains dominant in the world economy, as output rises in other advanced economies by 0.6 to 1%. By contrast, China seems to be little affected by the US shock. Finally, we are the first to assess the impact of a real appreciation of the renminbi versus the US dollar in a global model. Our results indicate that real appreciation of the renminbi decreases the level of Chinese GDP slightly and the long‐run effect is also negative for many countries exporting (e.g. raw materials) to China.     

The Political Economy of State Government Subsidy Adoption: The Case of Ethanol

In this study, we examine the factors that determine the adoption of state economic development incentives in the ethanol industry. We compile data on the implementation dates for subsidies/tax credits for all states for the years 1984–2007, a period that covers the complete emergence of the biofuel industry in the United States and that was characterized by the passage of numerous state‐level subsidies and tax breaks aimed at increasing ethanol production. Using Cox proportional hazard regression analysis, we find that states are more likely to adopt ethanol subsidies when corn production is high, when corn prices are low and gasoline prices are high, when a state is affiliated with the National Corn Growers Association, when a check‐off is present, when a state has a high environmental score, and when state government is under the control of Democrats.     

论21世纪的中国产业经济学与知识经济

产业经济学研究产业活动和产业发展的规律性。“产业组织理论”、“产业联系理论”和“产业结构理论”被认为是它的主体。当今,日益走近我们的知识经济也将成为面向２１世纪产业经济学的重要内容。但针对我国的产业发展特征和现实条件,在相当长时期内,中国产业经济学的研究重点仍然是第二产业。中国迎接知识经济的科学态度是既积极争取前沿领域的领先地位,同时把当前的重点放大全面改善和培育创新的基础和条件：（１）狠抓教育产     

我国“低碳经济”现状及策略选择

在2010年两会上,九三学社因提交了一份名为《走中国特色低碳发展道路》的提案而备受关注。从低碳经济的国际背景、我国面临的巨大温室气体减排压力和以低碳带动经济复兴3个方面,分析了我国发展低碳经济的紧迫性。在对我国低碳经济发展现状和趋势分析的基础上,提出了实施低碳经济模式的政策措施:完善法律法规,设计经济刺激方案;建设低碳城市和基础设施;加强国际合作,形成低碳研发技术体系;以结构创新推进低碳经济;提高认识,鼓励全社会广泛参与。