共查询到20条相似文献,搜索用时 15 毫秒
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Oliver Turner 《Geopolitics》2016,21(4):922-944
The US rebalance to the Asia Pacific is consistently interpreted as a response to China’s material rise. While not entirely incorrect, this assumption – derived from an overriding faith in the explanatory significance of relative state capabilities – fails to explain why rapidly rising others, most notably India, remain absent from regional US security discourse, and why a heavy US presence in Asia predates China’s ascent of the 1970s onwards. To address these problems and offer an improved explanation of what the rebalance is, how and why it has come about, and what it is designed to achieve within the context of China’s rise, this analysis draws from critical geopolitics and postcolonial theory. It argues that the rebalance is best conceived as the (re)articulation of historical discourses which construct certain foreign Others like China as challenges to the ontological American self, making the rebalance an attempt to pacify a particular rising identity as much as a rising state actor. The analysis is motivated in part by the question of how the rebalance is enabled in its current form. From here, the article addresses an increasing yet regressive tendency of International Relations theory to deny studies of the ‘how possible’ explanatory value, encouraging their marginalisation in favour of examinations into ‘why’ political decisions are made. 相似文献
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Syed Kanwar Abbas 《Empirical Economics》2018,54(2):593-627
It is widely believed that globalization has changed inflation process. The global resource capacity reduces responsiveness of inflation to domestic activity and increases responsiveness of inflation to global resource capacity. This global slack hypothesis is tested using different theoretical specifications, which also relate domestic output elasticity and foreign output elasticity to the degree of trade openness of an individual economy. The results reject this hypothesis. The global resource capacity does not drive domestic inflation. The impact of globalization has not increased in the inflation process, and the results yield important policy implications for monetary policy formulation. The global resource capacity does not affect ability of the central banks to stabilize inflation, real economic activity and also respond to the volatility of output growth. 相似文献
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Alan Ingram 《Geopolitics》2013,18(3):522-545
This article describes the emergence of a new geopolitics of disease following the end of the Cold War and offers a framework for thinking about it. Three main questions are asked. First, why is disease now a geopolitical issue? Second, how has this new geopolitics emerged? And third, what are the implications of the emergence of disease as a geopolitical issue for the meaning and practice of global health? It is argued that disease is now seen as a geopolitical issue in terms of four main dimensions: destabilisation, sovereignty, the instrumentalisation of health, and geopolitical economy. Second, this new geopolitics has emerged in the context of larger debates about globalisation, development and security, and has emanated primarily from Northern institutions. Third, drawing on critical approaches to security, it is suggested that while the securitisation of health offers certain benefits, it also carries risks. The article identifies a number of critical tensions in the new geopolitics of disease as a way of negotiating these risks and anchoring the concept of global health security in a larger vision of health in an era of globalisation. 相似文献
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Klaus Dodds 《Geopolitics》2013,18(1):73-99
In this paper, a counter-factual geopolitics is addressed with specific reference to the US presidential election of November 2000. What difference would it have made if President Al Gore had been confirmed as holder of that office rather than George W. Bush? Would we have had a very different kind of response to September 11th for example? By focusing on some of the speeches and remarks given by Al Gore, we consider how a different strategy might have emerged following that momentous event. It is contended, however, that despite what the anti-Bush critics might have wished for, the geopolitical and spatial consequences of a Gore administration might have differed only on tactics and strategies rather than fundamental principles. By way of conclusion, the paper considers how counter-factualism might contribute to the further development of critical geopolitical scholarship. 相似文献
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Sara H. Smith 《Geopolitics》2013,18(2):197-218
This paper approaches intimacy as a site of geopolitical practice. What happens when the body is the territory through which geopolitical strategies are played out? In the Leh district of India's Jammu and Kashmir state Buddhist/Muslim conflict is articulated at the site of the body and geopolitical strategies impinge on personal decisions. Over the past century religious identity has increasingly taken on political meaning in Leh, particularly since the 1980s. Interestingly, for average Ladakhis political conflict is described in terms of bodies – that is, through discussions of who should or should not eat together, get married, or have children. By destabilising the global geopolitical scale, we can arrive at a richer and more nuanced understanding of the everyday ways in which our bodies are incorporated into or reject incorporation into geopolitical strategies to control territory.
In the past, the Buddhists were more. Now, it's the Buddhists, mostly, I think, who have used family planning. Among the Shia Muslims, if you look in Kargil and Chushot, even now, they have nine each or eight each. Rinpoches say that our Buddhists are getting fewer, and then our Hill Council, in the future it's going to be run by Shia Muslims. What the Buddhist Association did, it said to all the Buddhists, “You should think. Up to four, or up to six, or up to five, let them be born. Don't sterilize after two.” (Yangdol, 45-year-old Buddhist mother of three) 1 In the beginning, in the very beginning, the relationship was very good. We were like one person. There were Buddhists who married with Muslims, and Muslims who married with Buddhists. Now, times have changed, and things are different. Now people don't understand, and they have bad hearts. (Razia, 45-year-old Sunni mother of two) 相似文献
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在知识经济即将来临之际,中国既面临着机遇,也面临着挑战。面临的挑战主要来自知识与人才积累以及自身的准备不足,再就是在迎接知识经济挑战的同时,我国还必须完成制度变革。面临的机遇则是可以借高新技术加速我国的工业化进程,同时可以提高国民的整体素质 相似文献
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From the Global Food Crisis to the Age of Austerity: The Anxious Geopolitics of Global Food Security
Jamey Essex 《Geopolitics》2014,19(2):266-290
The impacts of recent food, financial, and energy crises have reinvigorated a geopolitical enframing of global food security that makes foreign development assistance a primary component of national security strategies. This centres elite fears of hunger and underdevelopment and strongly shapes policies and strategies adopted in response. Geopolitical fears of hungry and food insecure populations are compounded by the politics of austerity and cuts to foreign aid budgets and social spending. This paper examines the geopolitics of food security, fear, and austerity as expressed in the rhetoric and strategies of major aid donor governments, especially the US and UK, and proposes an alternative geopolitics that builds from the affective dimensions of hunger, food insecurity, and vulnerability as experienced by the hungry and poor. The example of farmer suicides and agrarian political mobilisation in India demonstrates how this affective alternative geopolitics may be constructed and examined. 相似文献
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建设山川秀美的新西部 ,实现人与环境、自然生态的和谐协调发展 ,是西部大开发的一个重要目标。西方一些国家付出环境、资源的沉重代价而实现了工业化 ,我国尚未实现工业化却已付出了沉重的代价。知识经济以知识和信息为核心资源 ,科学利用现有资源 ,开发利用新的资源。解决西部大开发中面临的资源、环境生态问题 ,必须发展知识经济 相似文献
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This paper argues that whilst the relationship between US consumerism and China's low-wage production has underpinned China's economic growth in recent years, policy-makers are increasingly cognisant of heightened internal and external vulnerabilities, namely increased domestic social unrest and downturns in US demand. Despite calls for increased domestic consumption, opinion remains divided as to the extent to which policy-makers will make a genuine departure with China's export-orientation. This paper argues, however, that the direction of the Chinese political economy will depend much on the transformative role of workers’ struggles. Placed in a broader north-east Asian comparative perspective, we argue that China appears to be on the verge of a transition towards a limited labour supply, as evidenced in increasing labour shortages, rising wages costs and new forms of labour unrest. An in-depth case study of the strike at Nanhai Honda in 2010 suggests that China's migrant workers are beginning to develop a class consciousness and move from reactive to proactive demands. Furthermore, the response of the Chinese state and employers has shifted from one of outright repression to one of accommodation. These trends are likely to be highly significant in terms of China's uneven integration into the global economy. 相似文献
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论知识经济与知识旅游者的假设 总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1
以知识为基础.强调和重视学习的知识经济正超越工业经济向我们走来。知识人成为人们对知识经济时代经济分析与管理理论中人性假设的必然选择。在知识经济时代.人不仅是经济上理性的、利用知识合理决策的人,是情感上追求归属与尊重的人.更是高度依赖知识、积极创造知识、无限进取的人。在知识经济时代.旅游活动的主体——旅游者将由传统型旅游者转变为“知识旅游者”.即旅游者将从传统的功利性较强的旅游世俗愉悦追求,向以重视知识与文化的学习、体验与创新的旅游审美愉悦追求转变。知识旅游者的假设从旅游者的需要——旅游市场这条主线入手,为考察知识经济对旅游管理的影响开创了一条新思路。 相似文献
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This paper studies empirically the role of China in the world economy. We examine both the way the Chinese economy reacts to exchange rate shocks and the repercussions for the world economy of an output shock emanating from China. Based on a global vector autoregressive model and a new data set that excels in country coverage and covers the most recent time period including the global financial crisis, our results are threefold: First, we show that a +1% shock to Chinese output translates to a permanent increase of 1.1% in Chinese real GDP and a 0.1% to 0.5% rise in output for most large economies. Second, to benchmark the shock to Chinese output, we examine the response to a +1% shock to US GDP. The results show that the US economy remains dominant in the world economy, as output rises in other advanced economies by 0.6 to 1%. By contrast, China seems to be little affected by the US shock. Finally, we are the first to assess the impact of a real appreciation of the renminbi versus the US dollar in a global model. Our results indicate that real appreciation of the renminbi decreases the level of Chinese GDP slightly and the long‐run effect is also negative for many countries exporting (e.g. raw materials) to China. 相似文献
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In this study, we examine the factors that determine the adoption of state economic development incentives in the ethanol industry. We compile data on the implementation dates for subsidies/tax credits for all states for the years 1984–2007, a period that covers the complete emergence of the biofuel industry in the United States and that was characterized by the passage of numerous state‐level subsidies and tax breaks aimed at increasing ethanol production. Using Cox proportional hazard regression analysis, we find that states are more likely to adopt ethanol subsidies when corn production is high, when corn prices are low and gasoline prices are high, when a state is affiliated with the National Corn Growers Association, when a check‐off is present, when a state has a high environmental score, and when state government is under the control of Democrats. 相似文献
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论21世纪的中国产业经济学与知识经济 总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1
产业经济学研究产业活动和产业发展的规律性。“产业组织理论”、“产业联系理论”和“产业结构理论”被认为是它的主体。当今,日益走近我们的知识经济也将成为面向21世纪产业经济学的重要内容。但针对我国的产业发展特征和现实条件,在相当长时期内,中国产业经济学的研究重点仍然是第二产业。中国迎接知识经济的科学态度是既积极争取前沿领域的领先地位,同时把当前的重点放大全面改善和培育创新的基础和条件:(1)狠抓教育产 相似文献