From geopolitics to geoeconomics: Transnational state effects in the borderlands

This article reads Ohmae's arguments about ‘the end of the nation‐state’ against the arguments of Luttwak about the centrality of ‘geoeconomics’ in the new world order. By exploring the limits of both their arguments, the article develops a much more critical account of geoeconomics, suggesting that it can be used by scholars of boundaries and geopolitics to come to terms with the development of cross‐border regionalism and associated transnational state effects (i.e. transnational governance imperatives) in the context of free trade. Geoeconomics is thus argued to describe the localised changes in governance imperatives implicated in a series of economically‐driven and quite quotidian challenges to national borders on the ground in both North America and Europe. The article outlines how an examination of localised strategies to create cross‐border regions in the context of globalised economic interdependencies offers a research window onto processes currently challenging the nation‐state from the ground up. As such, it is argued that the case studies discussed here also offer a way of empirically evaluating the geoeconomic influence of discourses about ‘the end of the nation‐state’ promoted by writers such as Ohmae.     

OECD organisational discourse, peer reviews and sustainable development: An ecological-institutionalist perspective

As part of the recent ‘ideational turn’ in research on international organisations, the study of organisational discourse has gained popularity. Yet ecological economics has thus far paid little attention to the role of organisations as sites for the discursive battles over the meaning of sustainable development. For an international organisation without regulatory powers, such as the OECD (Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development), discourse is the main vehicle for policy influence, but it also plays a key role in (re)defining the organisation's identity and authority. The OECD's organisational discourse has been strongly dominated by ‘modern mainstream economics’, and has given little room for marginalised discourses. This paper compares, from the perspective of institutionally oriented ecological economics (IOEE), and borrowing from critical discourse analysis, the experience from attempts to integrate the concept of sustainable development within two OECD peer review mechanisms - the Economic Surveys and the Environmental Performance Reviews. The extent to which the respective conceptions of sustainable development in the two reviews are in line with the principles of IOEE and the reasons for the apparent failure of sustainable development discourse to gain foothold within the organisation are analysed.     

Terrorism's Role in Re-shaping Border Crossings: 11 September and the US Borders

To what extent do boundaries shape state-centred scales of discourse and action? In an attempt to answer this question, the article delves into one of the key ambiguities characterising boundaries: their being both static markers of sovereign jurisdictions and socially produced and reproduced institutions. Drawing on Foucauldian notions of ‘productive power’, and taking as a referent the Durand Line, the paper elaborates upon Robert Sack's contribution, and proposes an analytical framework that simultaneously captures, while maintaining distinct, two dimensions of territoriality: territoriality as a strategy operating in a socially emptiable space, and territoriality as it unfolds in its actuality. It argues that such framework provides insights on the multi-scalar and place-specific power relations that define the social context in which the Durand Line unfolds, offering important tools for the assessment of boundaries' role in the reproduction of society's contradictions and inequalities. The flexible territoriality of the Durand Line is defined by its simultaneous, and more or less successful, attempt at ordering space across multiple dimensions .     

Rethinking strategy and geopolitics: Critical responses to globalisation

Rethinking geopolitics is a key feature of those disciplines concerned with rearticulating the site and nature of political space and political community in an age of globalisation causing much social protest and concern. The article focuses upon how social movements challenging globalisation are rearticulating and rethinking, through their objectives and strategies, the practices, meaning and site of state sovereignty and ‘the (geo)political’. The article focuses upon the way critical movements such as the Emiliano Zapata (Zapatista) Army of National Liberation (EZLN) are engaging with new ways of thinking about, representing and constructing political space and the relationship between the local and the global whilst cultivating an inclusionary national community project(s). The article argues that the EZLN engages in a struggle which may provide an insight into the possibility of cultivating alternative and genuinely democratic civil societies and inclusive political communities that transcend the exclusionary cartography and institutions of the neoliberal state.     

American hegemony after 11 September: allies,rivals and contradictions

11 September heralded and provided a pretext for a more aggressive but increasingly contradictory American hegemony. Some of the consequences are contrary to the United States' own interests. Its new doctrine of ‘preemptive strike’ against other sovereign states encourages similarly belligerent behaviour by other governments, and yet more terrorism by nonstate actors, the very threats which were to be eradicated by a re-asserted US hegemony. This essay focuses on three partly overlapping themes: different strategies towards allies – multilateral and unilateral; different forms of power – civil and military; and different ideologies of globalisation – neoliberal and neo-conservative. It argues that while US policy may oscillate between such poles, it often combines the different elements. The overall strategy of the Bush administration is best characterised as unilateral multilateralism. The main issue for US hegemonists is the ways in which their hegemony might best be exercised, maintained and strengthened vis à vis allies and rivals. But for a safer, more democratic world, the choice does not lie between one faction of US hegemonists and another: we need other alternatives such as cosmopolitan democracy and a genuine internationalist movement which would give it some much-needed substance.     

The meaning of 11 September and the emerging postinternational world

This essay analyzes the murderous attacks on New York's World Trade Center in New York and the Pentagon in Washington in terms of what they reflect about the changing nature of global politics and the theoretical demands of these changes. Among the key issues that the article addresses are the implications of 11 September for the overall role of change and the importance of history in global politics, the status of the territorial state in the field, the role of non-states in the global arena, the nature of contemporary violence and its implications for individuals, the declining role of distance, the disappearing boundary between foreign and domestic affairs, and, most importantly, the central role of identity theory in making sense of the emerging world. Overall, the essay professes a ‘postinternational’ perspective in the tradition of James Rosenau, suggesting that the events of 11 September reflect a world in transition from a state-based international system to a far more complex political universe with similarities to the prestate world. Such a world entails a considerable remapping of conceptual and theoretical maps concerning the field.     

Sun,sand and September 11: a model of tourism demand for the Maldives

Tourism is a key source of income for many small island economies, and so it is important to understand its determinants in such countries. We estimate a tourism demand model for the Maldives’ five main source markets and find that, in addition to the usual foreign income and own price variables, the cost of travel and of visiting alternative destinations (often missing from studies of this nature) almost always have a significant role. In addition, the country’s own marketing efforts prove effective at influencing demand. Finally, we find evidence the War on Terror has persistently depressed demand from some markets.     

论“9·11”后俄罗斯在中亚的地位

“9.1 1”之后 ,俄助美反恐 ,却没有对美在中亚的举动丧失警惕。尤其是近一年来 ,它仍在顽强地坚守中亚阵地 ,主要表现为 :加强军事一体化 ,实现在中亚的军事存在 ;以集体安全理论建设安全体系 ;发展与中亚各国的经济合作以推动政治关系的升温。俄努力运用其传统的优势 ,与美在该地区展开暗中的较量。     

Counter-Factual Geopolitics: President Al Gore,September 11th and the Global War on Terror

In this paper, a counter-factual geopolitics is addressed with specific reference to the US presidential election of November 2000. What difference would it have made if President Al Gore had been confirmed as holder of that office rather than George W. Bush? Would we have had a very different kind of response to September 11^th for example? By focusing on some of the speeches and remarks given by Al Gore, we consider how a different strategy might have emerged following that momentous event. It is contended, however, that despite what the anti-Bush critics might have wished for, the geopolitical and spatial consequences of a Gore administration might have differed only on tactics and strategies rather than fundamental principles. By way of conclusion, the paper considers how counter-factualism might contribute to the further development of critical geopolitical scholarship.     

In defense of a libertarian welfare state: response to Michael Shermer

Mr. Shermer worries that once we empower any organization to employ the force of law to mandate collective action of any kind, we will have embarked on a slippery slope to a totalitarian state that will destroy every liberty we cherish. This concern is overblown. Governments have been mandating collective action since the dawn of recorded history. And although history does, in fact, include a considerable number of brutally totalitarian states, people around the world clearly enjoy much greater liberty today, on balance, than they ever have.     

The art of seeing like a state: State building in Afghanistan, the DR Congo, and beyond

This paper considers the implications of James Scott’s Seeing Like a State (1998) and The Art of Not Being Governed (2009) for state-building efforts in Afghanistan and the Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC). In Seeing Like a State, Scott warns of the problems associated with top-down planning efforts to improve the human condition. In The Art of Not Being Governed, Scott discusses the “art” of state avoidance and self-governance. These works have important insights for contemporary state-building processes, and we explore some of the applications in the context of Afghanistan and the DRC. We conclude with a discussion of the implications for current and future state-building efforts.     

National borders,the global economy and geopolitics: A view from Yemen

The wider geographic scales of the new interdependencies called ‘globalisation’ are not new to peripheral states such as Yemen. In the colonial and post‐colonial world sensitivity to international developments has always been important in the course of local events. What is new is the particular configuration of political and economic institutions at various levels including, critically, the national level. This paper argues that, on the one hand, the new geography of economic and political ‘globalisation’ has left Yemen with distinctly ‘old’ forms of economic integration into world markets, but that, on the other hand, regional geopolitics have opened certain opportunities for Yemen's political elite to refashion itself as a strategic geopolitical player so as to maintain international flows of military and economic aid. The end result is the continued national dominance of these same elite. ‘Globalisation’ in this sense is a national political project.     

Antecedents of war: the geopolitics of low oil prices and decelerating financial liquidity

We investigate the joint dynamics of oil prices, financial liquidity and geopolitical risk, within a multi-country global vector autoregressive model. We find that low oil prices are expected to trigger higher levels of geopolitical risk and that decelerating financial liquidity serves as an accelerator.     

Life beyond the Washington Consensus: An Introduction to Pro-poor Macroeconomic Policies

Abstract

This paper develops a rationale for the recession-induced inflation hypothesis. Within a conflicting claims framework we present a model in which both price leaders and organized workers set their nominal prices on the basis of a desired profit rate and a real wage target respectively. We argue that an absolute cost advantage in concentrated industries (for instance in fixed costs) may provide oligopolistic leaders sufficient margin to raise prices and restore a desired level of profitability during a recession. The resultizng unstable income distribution will set off an inflationary spiral if the firm's advantage in selling its output imparts an upward bias to the flexibility of input prices (specifically wages). Taking into consideration different scenarios for workers' bargaining power we present a simple simulation experiment to analyze the inflation and real wage paths of the economy after a negative output shock. When we endogenize output, we show that for a high degree of the bargaining power, output is likely to converge to a higher steady-state value.     

Geography,geopolitics, and policy in the performance of transition economies

The economic performance of the transition economies as of 2015 is well explained by three variables: (1) years of membership in the EU; (2) physical distance from the heart of the EU economy, taken to be Dusseldorf; and (3) annual revenues from oil and gas production, reflecting natural resource deposits. These three factors account for around 86 percent of the variation in per capita income across the 28 transition economies, and reflect the interplay of domestic policy, geopolitics, geography and natural resources.     

Explaining Economic Restructuring: An input-output analysis of organisational change in the European Union

This article investigates the extent to which the European economy (as a whole) has entered a period of restructuring from 1970 to the present, and assesses whether different theories of restructuring can explain the processes involved.Three political economy perspectives on restructuring are presented: flexible specialisation, neo-Schumpeterian/long wave, and Regulation. The extent of organisational restructuring is identified using an input-output methodology that separates supply-side and demand-side change. Supplyside output change indicates the importance of vertical externalisation, which all restructuring theories identify as important. This empirical methodology is applied using EU wide input-output tables for 1970, 1975, 1980, 1985 and 1991. Considerable restructuring is indicated as having occurred, particularly in European manufacturing industry. But this restructuring seems not to be consistent with any single perspective; rather all three are relevant in different circumstances. Finally, an attempt is made to sketch a theory of the firm consistent with the evidence presented.