The meaning of 11 September and the emerging postinternational world

This essay analyzes the murderous attacks on New York's World Trade Center in New York and the Pentagon in Washington in terms of what they reflect about the changing nature of global politics and the theoretical demands of these changes. Among the key issues that the article addresses are the implications of 11 September for the overall role of change and the importance of history in global politics, the status of the territorial state in the field, the role of non-states in the global arena, the nature of contemporary violence and its implications for individuals, the declining role of distance, the disappearing boundary between foreign and domestic affairs, and, most importantly, the central role of identity theory in making sense of the emerging world. Overall, the essay professes a ‘postinternational’ perspective in the tradition of James Rosenau, suggesting that the events of 11 September reflect a world in transition from a state-based international system to a far more complex political universe with similarities to the prestate world. Such a world entails a considerable remapping of conceptual and theoretical maps concerning the field.     

American hegemony after 11 September: allies,rivals and contradictions

11 September heralded and provided a pretext for a more aggressive but increasingly contradictory American hegemony. Some of the consequences are contrary to the United States' own interests. Its new doctrine of ‘preemptive strike’ against other sovereign states encourages similarly belligerent behaviour by other governments, and yet more terrorism by nonstate actors, the very threats which were to be eradicated by a re-asserted US hegemony. This essay focuses on three partly overlapping themes: different strategies towards allies – multilateral and unilateral; different forms of power – civil and military; and different ideologies of globalisation – neoliberal and neo-conservative. It argues that while US policy may oscillate between such poles, it often combines the different elements. The overall strategy of the Bush administration is best characterised as unilateral multilateralism. The main issue for US hegemonists is the ways in which their hegemony might best be exercised, maintained and strengthened vis à vis allies and rivals. But for a safer, more democratic world, the choice does not lie between one faction of US hegemonists and another: we need other alternatives such as cosmopolitan democracy and a genuine internationalist movement which would give it some much-needed substance.     

Sun,sand and September 11: a model of tourism demand for the Maldives

Tourism is a key source of income for many small island economies, and so it is important to understand its determinants in such countries. We estimate a tourism demand model for the Maldives’ five main source markets and find that, in addition to the usual foreign income and own price variables, the cost of travel and of visiting alternative destinations (often missing from studies of this nature) almost always have a significant role. In addition, the country’s own marketing efforts prove effective at influencing demand. Finally, we find evidence the War on Terror has persistently depressed demand from some markets.     

“9．11”恐怖袭击的经济后果

很早就流行这样一种说法,世界上的政治首都有许多,但经济首都却只有一个,它就是纽约。公允地讲,这一描述虽然夸张但也道出了部分事实。全球约１／３的外汇交易在这里完成,全球股票进出的一半以上在这里进行,总量高达数万亿美元的美国政府债券买卖的大部分在这里易手。而纽约市的标志性建筑,当首推那两座耸立在曼哈顿岛上的世界贸易中心塔楼。今天,它们已经随着恐怖主义分子的自杀性攻击灰飞烟灭。其更深层次的、更具本质性的含义在于,对关乎人类生命财产的和平与战争之性质,随着那声巨响和几场大火而彻底改变。这次史无前例的袭击…     

Terrorism's Role in Re-shaping Border Crossings: 11 September and the US Borders

To what extent do boundaries shape state-centred scales of discourse and action? In an attempt to answer this question, the article delves into one of the key ambiguities characterising boundaries: their being both static markers of sovereign jurisdictions and socially produced and reproduced institutions. Drawing on Foucauldian notions of ‘productive power’, and taking as a referent the Durand Line, the paper elaborates upon Robert Sack's contribution, and proposes an analytical framework that simultaneously captures, while maintaining distinct, two dimensions of territoriality: territoriality as a strategy operating in a socially emptiable space, and territoriality as it unfolds in its actuality. It argues that such framework provides insights on the multi-scalar and place-specific power relations that define the social context in which the Durand Line unfolds, offering important tools for the assessment of boundaries' role in the reproduction of society's contradictions and inequalities. The flexible territoriality of the Durand Line is defined by its simultaneous, and more or less successful, attempt at ordering space across multiple dimensions .     

Reading geopolitics beyond the state: organisational discourse in response to 11 September

This essay explores organizations in civil society as constituting an important sphere of social action in which alternative geopolitical worldviews are produced and disseminated beyond the state. The authors discuss the conceptual relationship between non-governmental organizations and the geopolitics pursued by states and also develop an appropriate methodological program to investigate organizational geopolitics. This is accomplished by employing critical discourse analysis methods in the examination of press releases made by notable civil society organizations in response to the events of 11 September. While most organizational responses condemned the attacks and expressed a shared sense of sympathy for the victims, there was considerable divergence in the preferred geopolitical and social response – ranging from restraint and tolerance to aggressive militarism. The findings suggest organizations are not only important sites of alternative geopolitical representations beyond the state, but may also serve to reproduce and re-circulate dominant statecentered geopolitical visions as well.     

Counter-Factual Geopolitics: President Al Gore,September 11th and the Global War on Terror

In this paper, a counter-factual geopolitics is addressed with specific reference to the US presidential election of November 2000. What difference would it have made if President Al Gore had been confirmed as holder of that office rather than George W. Bush? Would we have had a very different kind of response to September 11^th for example? By focusing on some of the speeches and remarks given by Al Gore, we consider how a different strategy might have emerged following that momentous event. It is contended, however, that despite what the anti-Bush critics might have wished for, the geopolitical and spatial consequences of a Gore administration might have differed only on tactics and strategies rather than fundamental principles. By way of conclusion, the paper considers how counter-factualism might contribute to the further development of critical geopolitical scholarship.     

论“9·11”后俄罗斯在中亚的地位

“9.1 1”之后 ,俄助美反恐 ,却没有对美在中亚的举动丧失警惕。尤其是近一年来 ,它仍在顽强地坚守中亚阵地 ,主要表现为 :加强军事一体化 ,实现在中亚的军事存在 ;以集体安全理论建设安全体系 ;发展与中亚各国的经济合作以推动政治关系的升温。俄努力运用其传统的优势 ,与美在该地区展开暗中的较量。     

Supply and demand explanations and their ceteris paribusclauses

This paper argues that supply and demand explantions are causal explanations and that it is helpful to recognize this fact explicity, for then one can appreciate that the variables impounded in the ceteris paribusclauses attached to supply and demand curves are other causes. One can then specify clearly the conditions of membership in a ceteris pairbusclause: 1) include all those factors that within the given time period significantly affect the amount supplied or demanded but; 2) do not include any factors that themselves within the given time period significantly depend on the price of the particular commodity or service. Note the vague word ‘significantly’. If one insists on the general interdependencies established in general equilibrium analyses, one must reject partial equilibrium analyses altogether, but to do so would rule out work that may be enlightening and useful. Such theoretical purism is also indefensible, since general equilibrium analyse rely on similar causal approximations. This analyses of ceteris paribusclauses is helpful in understanding where supply and demand analysis or comparative statics goes wrong, as in traditional functional distribution theory.     

Trade and technological explanations for changes in sectoral labour demand in OECD economies

This paper sets out to establish the main determinants of variations in the demand for aggregate labour in manufacturing and service sectors (22) for a cross-section of OECD countries (14). A relatively new panel data set is employed in the analysis, the OECD's International Sectoral Data Base. Preliminary analysis revealed that the ‘within’ sector variation in the wage share dominated overall variation for most countries and time periods. A separate dynamic model was thus generated to explain the ‘within’ sector variation in the wage share. This model contained real wages, output, the capital stock, technological change (total factor productivity) and trade (the imports to value-added ratio) as independent variables. In addition the wage level was also interacted with these explanatory variables on the presumption that skill is positively correlated with the level of wages. Because of the potential for simultaneity bias, estimation was conducted by IV and OLS. The main findings were that the capital stock and technological change were the main determinants of shifts in labour demand. While some countries reported the trade variable as significant its influence was only of slight importance in most cases. The interaction terms proved to be significant in a large number of countries. Some evidence was found that capital and technological were complementary with skill. Overall it was found that broad agreement existed across countries in the factors which influence labour demand despite considerable differences in the cross-country nature of labour market institutions.     

Schumpeterian and semi‐endogenous productivity growth explanations

This paper examines the nature and sources of productivity growth in South African manufacturing sectors, from an international comparative perspective. On panel data estimations, we find that the evidence tends to support Schumpeterian explanations of productivity growth for a panel of countries including both developed and developing countries, and a panel of South African manufacturing sectors. By contrast, semi‐endogenous productivity growth is supported for a panel of OECD (Organisation for Economic Cooperation and Development) manufacturing sectors. However, we also report evidence that suggests that sectors are not homogeneous. For this reason, time series evidence may be more reliable than panel data. Time series evidence for South Africa suggests that prospects for the sustained productivity growth associated with Schumpeterian innovation processes, is restricted to a narrow set of sectors. For the OECD manufacturing sectors, both semi‐endogenous and Schumpeterian growth finds support. Schumpeterian growth is present for a larger number of sectors than for South Africa, and is most prevalent in the North American economies.     

Socio-ecological explanations for crowding-out effects from economic field experiments in southern Africa

Economic and psychological literature mentions three conditions under which the crowding-out effect of pro-social behaviour is likely to occur and to crowd out citizens' moral obligations to behave co-operatively. I use a framed field experiment on joint extraction from a common-pool resource (CPR) where the crowding-out effect has already been reported before in combination with the trust game carried out in farming communities of Namibia and South Africa to replicate these conditions. The research design and the cross-cultural setting enable to explicitly control for these effects. The results of the experiments support that the crowding-out effect depends on:

• •The nature of the external intervention (controlling vs. supportive external intervention)
• •The degree of participants self-determination (high vs. low self-determination in the group)
• •A society's norms of trust and reciprocity (high vs. low trust within the society)

The results imply that outside regulations aiming to conserve natural resources risk worsening the situation when neglecting democratic legitimization as well as local community norms.     

Socio-ecological explanations for crowding-out effects from economic field experiments in southern Africa

Economic and psychological literature mentions three conditions under which the crowding-out effect of pro-social behaviour is likely to occur and to crowd out citizens' moral obligations to behave co-operatively. I use a framed field experiment on joint extraction from a common-pool resource (CPR) where the crowding-out effect has already been reported before in combination with the trust game carried out in farming communities of Namibia and South Africa to replicate these conditions. The research design and the cross-cultural setting enable to explicitly control for these effects. The results of the experiments support that the crowding-out effect depends on:

•

The nature of the external intervention (controlling vs. supportive external intervention)

•

The degree of participants self-determination (high vs. low self-determination in the group)

•

A society's norms of trust and reciprocity (high vs. low trust within the society)

The results imply that outside regulations aiming to conserve natural resources risk worsening the situation when neglecting democratic legitimization as well as local community norms.