Religeopolitics: Dissident geopolitics and the ‘fundamentalism’ of Hamas and Kach

This article highlights the close relationship of religion and geopolitics in general and within religious fundamentalist ideologies in Palestine/Israel in particular. A new concept of ‘dissident geopolitics’ is used to circumvent state‐centrism of Tuathailian critical geopolitics and, furthermore, a new theoretical framework of ‘religeopolitics’ is elaborated and utilised in the following case study to pinpoint the geopolitical core within the ideologies of the movements of Hamas and Kach. Both movements are violent, ‘fundamentalist’ and claim the Other to be the enemy and the self to be the rightful owner of the territory of Palestine/Israel. The case study also shows how violence is legitimised in relation to religion and geopolitics. Finally, suggestions are given to expound religeopolitics within other areas of IR scholarship, more related to each other than ever in the post‐11 September world.     

Geopolitics,Eurasianism and Russian Foreign Policy Under Putin

This article interprets the strategies that have been associated with the war on terror against the backdrop of historical geographies of colonial violence and dispossession. It joins those who argue that wider anxieties about the sources of danger, criminality, violence and terror have become intertwined. These reveal as much about sensibilities of race, class and ‘security’ as they do objective dangers. Thus the article considers how, drawing on the British case, detentions and deportations marked by race are connected with and form part of an overlapping regime of ‘security’, ‘immigration’ and asylum. This is exemplified via an account of the trajectory British sovereign territory of Diego Garcia, leading to wider reflections on contemporary forms of sovereignty and the operation of ‘race’ in geopolitics.     

Research Program versus Paradigm in the Development of Economics

This paper critiques economists’ past approaches to modeling the issue of intimate parmer violence based on stylized facts about victims and batterers. These stylized facts are an important step in recognizing a broader range of issues than what has been narrowly formulated in economic studies to date. A key factor is the revolving door phenomenon of abused women leaving and returning to a violent union. The ways in which women react to abusive situations is shaped by time-varying and path-dependent, decision-making processes over several episodes of violence. This paper discusses how economists can extend far beyond their current thinking around the constructions of intimate partner violence. The stylized facts presented in the paper have important implications for policy approaches to the issue, particularly where it concerns abused women’s potential for self-sufficiency in the labor market.     

Soccer and national culture: estimating the impact of violence on 22 lads after a ball

Sports have been recently conceptualized as an effective tool for development. Questioning that argument, recent evidence suggests that the practice of soccer reveals national cultures of violence prevailing in players’ countries of origin. We model violent behaviour in the soccer pitch as a function of game specific controls as well as socioeconomic, political, cultural and conflict variables characterizing players’ home countries. We construct a database for the Latin American 2008 Libertadores Cup Competition and find that across multiple specifications and estimating techniques, only game specific variables determine sanctions to violent actions. There are three compatible explanations for this result: highly skilled soccer players may not be representative average citizens; violent conflicts may not necessarily cause a violent culture affecting all corners of society; and even when violent cultures are transmitted to individual players, those values do not condition significantly their behaviour during games. After all, sports may not be a pernicious activity that intrinsically transmits violent values to youths.     

Inscribing the American Body Politic: Martin Sheen and Two American Decades

Film and television have been influential in the remaking of the American self since the traumas of Vietnam. We undertake readings of class, gender, ethnicity and race focusing on the roles of Martin Sheen and his two ‘crews’ in Apocalypse Now Redux and in the television series The West Wing. We argue that despite the appearance of a more progressive America as represented by the Bartlet White House it remains within a long tradition that represents the US in discourses of innocence and pureness of will and is largely blind to the kind of violence perpetrated by Willard and his crew in Apocalypse Now Redux. We suggest that the capacity of the US repeatedly to ‘forget’ its use of certain kinds of violence marks the limits of self-sacrifice of the American self and provides the discursive possibility for the eternal return of innocence.     

Poverty Dynamics,Violent Conflict,and Convergence in Rwanda

This paper analyzes the poverty impact of the violent events that affected Rwanda in the 1990s. The main objective of the paper is to identify systematically potential mechanisms linking violent conflict with changes in poverty across provinces and households in Rwanda before and after a decade of violence. In accordance with emerging literature on the long‐term economic effects of violent conflict, we find empirical evidence for economic convergence between richer and poorer Rwandan provinces and households following the conflict shocks. Using a small but unique panel of households surveyed before and after the conflict period, we find that households whose house was destroyed or who lost land ran a higher risk of falling into poverty. We do not find much evidence for an economic effect of violent deaths at the household level due to substitution effects of labor within the household. Non‐violent deaths however seem to increase income per adult equivalent for the survivors. Results are shown to be robust to sample selection and IV models.     

Love,hate and murder: Commitment devices in violent relationships

Many violent relationships are characterized by a high degree of cyclicality: women who are the victims of domestic violence often leave and return multiple times. To explain this we develop a model of time inconsistent preferences in the context of domestic violence. This time inconsistency generates a demand for commitment. We present supporting evidence that women in violent relationships display time inconsistent preferences by examining their demand for commitment devices. We find that no-drop policies – which compel the prosecutor to continue with prosecution even if the victim expresses a desire to drop the charges – result in an increase in reporting. No-drop policies also result in a decrease in the number of men murdered by intimates suggesting that some women in violent relationships move away from an extreme type of commitment device when a less costly one is offered.     

Human capital consequences of violence in schools: Estimating the impact of violence in schools on education outcomes in Brazil

Implementation of policies to reduce the incidence of violence in schools needs a comprehensive understanding of the phenomenon and its consequences for the victims, perpetrators, and witnesses alike. However, much of the existing literature either focuses on the impact of violence on victim students or studies the specific cases of violent conflicts. Using Brazilian education data, this paper examines the impact of violence in schools on educational outcomes of the schooling system and emphasizes the human capital consequences of recorded violent incidents in schools. First, the paper establishes the psychological stress–threat mechanism by which violent incidents in schools directly impact students' mathematics test scores as well as school level average of these test scores. Thereafter, the paper demonstrates the reduced learning mechanism by which violence further detriments the quality of education, albeit indirectly, by disengaging the teachers and students from their professional responsibilities. The main results are tested for robustness and policy implications are discussed.     

“五四”事件中暴力行为再反思

以火烧赵家楼、暴打章宗祥为最重要情节的“五四”事件,是一个暴力事件。至今,“五四”事件中的暴力行为仍没有得到应有的分析,政治诉求的合理性完全遮蔽了暴力行为的残忍性与犯罪特征。本文希望通过回顾“五四”事件中的暴力情节,分析不同人对暴力行动的辩护,回归一个基本常识：虽然暴力事件发生在爱国运动之中,但暴力事件与爱国运动是不同的;再崇高的目标也不能成为人身侵犯的理由;在社会常态下,纵火与伤人必须受到惩罚,否则公共生活必然陷入野蛮状态。     

Security and Fear: The Geopolitics of Intimate Partner Violence Policing

This paper builds upon feminist critiques of security interventions in the name of ‘protecting women’ to link United States municipal policing practices for intimate partner violence with global security interventions. Policing intervention into intimate partner violence emerged in the last twenty-five years; however as I argue, these policing practices are situated within narrow conceptions of masculinist security that often fail to address victims' multiple security needs. While not dismissing the importance of arresting intimate partner violence abusers, this paper examines the ways that policing can create additional and different embodied fears and insecurities for victims. Using the tools of emotional geopolitics, this paper traces victims’ fears following the arrest of their abuser to understand the temporal and spatial moments of fear in relation to security interventions. This methodological approach examines the limitations of masculinist protection while reimagining security to consider the emotional security needs and fears of those being protected.     

Violence against nurses and its impact on stress and productivity

The purpose of this study was to examine how violence from patients and visitors is related to emergency department (ED) nurses' work productivity and symptoms of post-traumatic stress disorder (PTSD). Researchers have found ED nurses experience a high prevalence of physical assaults from patients and visitors. Yet, there is little research which examines the effect violent events have on nurses' productivity, particularly their ability to provide safe and compassionate patient care. A cross-sectional design was used to gather data from ED nurses who are members of the Emergency Nurses Association in the United States. Participants were asked to complete the Impact of Events Scale-Revised and Healthcare Productivity Survey in relation to a stressful violent event. Ninety-four percent of nurses experienced at least one posttraumatic stress disorder symptom after a violent event, with 17% having scores high enough to be considered probable for PTSD. In addition, there were significant indirect relationships between stress symptoms and work productivity. Workplace violence is a significant stressor for ED nurses. Results also indicate violence has an impact on the care ED nurses provide. Interventions are needed to prevent the violence and to provide care to the ED nurse after an event.     

Going postal: State capacity and violent dispute resolution

Scholars have long tried to understand the conditions under which actors choose to use violent versus non-violent means to settle disputes, and many argue that violence is more likely in weakly-institutionalized settings. Yet, there is little evidence showing that increases in state capacity lowers the use of violent informal institutions to resolve disputes. Utilizing a novel dataset of violence—specifically, duels—across American states in the 19th century, we use the spread of federal post offices as an identification strategy to investigate the importance of state capacity for the incidence of violent dispute resolution. We find that post office density is a strong, consistent, and negative predictor of dueling behavior. Our evidence contributes to a burgeoning literature on the importance of state capacity for development outcomes.     

Regional service clusters and networks. Two approaches to empirical identification and development: the case of logistics in the German port city‐states Hamburg and Bremen

This article discusses two approaches to the identification and measurement of regional clusters and its networks in ‘cross‐sectoral’ services which are not available through official industrial statistics. The first approach is a ‘secondary‐statistical’ one consisting of a firm‐based blending of two separate official statistical data‐sets, industrial and ‘functional’ (that is, the professions practised within firms). Thus, a service ‘cross‐sector’ is identified across manufacturing and service industries. In the matrices resulting, weights are attached in an expert survey to the numbers of employees to aggregate the ‘real’ logistics ‘cross‐sector’. This is applied to the two German port city‐states, Hamburg and Bremen. The second approach is ‘primary‐statistical’, based on a small firms survey which generated data on ‘functional’ supplier relations (the cluster) and on project‐based ‘strategic’ cooperations (the networks within that cluster). This follows a two‐stage model of emerging clusters and ‘its’ networks. This data‐set is combined with the firms’ affiliations to branches, firm size, age and sales growth classes, in order to connect information with the industry statistics. Also, the net densities and centrality structures are calculated. The combined information provides indications of the relevance of the service cluster and its networks as factors of future regional development. The latter approach is applied to the State of Bremen only. Two results appear to be transferable beyond the German cases: first, the two approaches improve the knowledge about policy‐relevant ‘cross‐sectors’, clusters and networks; and second our knowledge about service, namely logistics, clusters and networks (for which port regions are prominent nodes) is improved. Finally, some implications for regional cluster strategies are discussed.     

Trading hard hats for combat helmets: The economics of rebellion in eastern Ukraine

Using new micro-level data on violence in Eastern Ukraine, this paper evaluates the relative merits of ‘identity-based’ and ‘economic’ explanations of civil conflict. The first view expects rebellion to be most likely in areas home to the geographic concentration of ethnolinguistic minorities. The second expects more rebel activity where the opportunity costs of insurrection are low. Evidence from the armed conflict in Ukraine supports the second view more than the first. A municipality’s prewar employment mix is a more robust predictor of rebel activity than local ethnolinguistic composition. Municipalities more exposed to trade shocks with Russia experienced a higher intensity of rebel violence throughout the conflict. Such localities also fell under rebel control earlier – and took longer for the government to liberate – than municipalities where the labor force was less dependent on exports to Russia.     

Popular Geopolitics,Audiences and Identities: Reading the ‘War on Terror’ in the Philippines

Audience research has traditionally been neglected within the subfield of popular geopolitics. However in recent years, geographers are increasingly focusing on the making of geopolitical meanings by audiences as they consume popular culture and related texts. Drawing on recent assemblage thinking in geopolitics, this paper argues that audiences form part of the animators of a network that links the human body with places, environments, objects and discourses related to geopolitics. By investigating Filipinos’ critical readings of and engagements with the ‘war on terror’ in Mindanao as represented through the national newspaper, the Philippines Daily Inquirer, the agency and power of audiences in the creative enactments of geopolitics and geography are illuminated. As such, understanding the complex interactions between popular media and its audiences can prove useful in casting insights into the everyday, geopolitical ‘playing out’ of issues of terrorism, violence and peace in the Philippines context and beyond.     

Domestic violence and women's autonomy in developing countries: theory and evidence

Abstract This paper sets out a simple non‐cooperative model of resource allocation within the household in developing countries that incorporates domestic violence as a vehicle for enhancing bargaining power. We demonstrate that the extent of domestic violence faced by women is not necessarily declining in their reservation utilities, or necessarily increasing in their spouses’. Using the National Family Health Survey data of India for 1998–99, we isolate the effect of domestic violence on female autonomy, taking into account the possible endogeneity of domestic violence through the choice of appropriate instruments. We provide some evidence for the evolutionary theory of domestic violence, which argues that such violence stems from the jealousy caused by paternity uncertainty in our evolutionary past. The findings have strong policy implications suggesting that it will take more than an improvement in women’s employment options to address the problem of spousal violence.     

Saving women and bordering Europe: narratives of “Migrants’ Sexual Violence” and geopolitical imaginaries in Russia and Sweden

ABSTRACT

This article maps the specific ways in which gendered and racialized boundary constructs create conditions of possibility for certain bordering practices. Connecting Critical Border Studies with feminist theories of geopolitics, it examines media reporting in Russia and Sweden about “migrants‘ sexual violence” in the wake of the 2015 New Years‘ events in Cologne. Despite contextual differences, in both countries these events were narrated as symbolic in negotiating Europe and its borders. In Russia, the events were connected to a story of a Russian girl in Berlin being raped by migrants (a story later revealed to be fabricated) and a narrative of Europe collapsing because of immigration. In Sweden, the events were connected to reports of sexual violence at festivals, sparking a debate about “Swedish values” of gender equality being endangered by immigration. The article argues, firstly, that narratives of migrants‘ sexual violence performed bordering functions in both the symbolic sense of delineating national identity and Europeanness, and the concrete sense of legitimating a stricter border regime. Secondly, it argues that the narratives performed that function only by tapping into local geopolitical narratives, in the Russian case on the country‘s ambivalent relation to Europe, and in Sweden the idea of gender exceptionalism.     

Futurity,Pro-cyclicality and Financial Crises

Nearly a century ago, one of the leading forefathers of the school of evolutionary economics, John R. Commons, coined the term ‘futurity’ to describe an epochal change in the late nineteenth-century advanced economies. Futurity refers to the reorientation of economies towards the future, and specifically to the fledgling practice of treating businesses as ‘going concerns’ and measuring its value in terms of their anticipated future profits. Curiously, the implication of such epochal changes on the performance of the financial system had rarely been discussed, let alone addressed. This article presents a theoretical argument that suggests that futurity encourages pro-cyclical dynamics that are pulling the financial systems in ever more violent and disastrous swings.     

Rooted in Violence: Civil War,International Trade and the Expansion of Palm Oil in Colombia

Internal armed conflict severely inhibits economic growth according to a prominent set of civil war literature. Similarly, emerging scholarship finds that civil war inhibits processes of economic globalisation which are argued to produce economic growth. A case in point is international trade, which is reportedly stymied by intra-state war. In contrast, this article employs a critical theoretical framework which acknowledges the often violent tendencies of globalised capitalism. By analysing Colombia's palm oil industry, this article argues that civil war violence can facilitate international trade. In the case study which is presented, violence perpetrated by Colombia's public armed forces and right-wing paramilitaries has enabled the palm oil sector to enter and compete in the globalised economy. This includes processes of forced displacement, which have acquired land for palm oil cultivation, and violence directed at civil groups deemed inimical to the interests of the palm oil sector. By employing a micro-level approach, this article attempts to isolate violent trends related to palm oil cultivation in Meta, the largest African palm-growing region in Colombia. An attempt is therefore made to give an empirically informed account of how violence in Colombia's civil war is facilitating palm oil exports.     

Hooliganism and Demand for Football in Italy: Attendance and Counterviolence Policy Evaluation

This paper empirically investigates the relationship between stadium attendance, hooliganism and counter‐violence policy measures in Italian Serie A. In particular, this paper analyses the impact of counter‐hooliganism policies adopted in 2007 on the quantity of game tickets sold. The counter‐hooliganism measures, grounded on an entry card, namely a ‘fidelity card’, were designed to keep out hooligans from stadiums so favouring the attendance of either occasional spectators or uncommitted fans. According to our econometric investigation the expected substitution between committed fans and uncommitted fans did not take shape. In sum, the ‘fidelity card’ did not turn to be successful if evaluated on the average attendance perspective.