Kemalist Eurasianism: An Emerging Geopolitical Discourse in Turkey

Over the past decade or so, there has been a convergence between the Eurasianist and Kemalist ideologies in Turkey. A number of Kemalist and Socialist intellectual and political actors together with sections of the military have started to articulate Eurasianism (Avrasyac?l?k in Turkish) as a new geopolitical discourse for Turkey and as an alternative to Turkey's pro-Western foreign policy orientation. In this perspective, Eurasianism stands for a political, economic and cultural alliance with ‘Eurasian countries’, such as Russia, Iran, and Turkic countries in Central Asia, as well as Pakistan, India and China. This article aims to deepen the analyses carried out thus far on this emerging geopolitical discourse. To this end, it contextualises the emergence of the Eurasianism in Turkey within the wider social, political and historical context of which it forms a part, including the framework of asymmetrical political and economic relations that developed between Turkey and its Western allies in the post–Cold War period.     

Geopolitical Discourse,Global Actors and the Spatial Construction of African Union

The development of a discursive formation since 1994 known as the 'African Renaissance' is linked to a new politico-territorial arrangement (African Union) and a continent-wide reconstruction plan (the New Partnership for African Development). A neo-realist analysis is used to explain the contingent relations between agency and discourse in constructing this alternative geopolitical space. This explanation leads to a practical consideration of the role of global actors in constructing a spatially integrated African Union. All documents pertaining to African Union and its reconstruction plan describe its achievement through the integration of six or seven regional economic communities. This is explained as a mammoth geopolitical task that requires both global and local partnerships and a comprehensive spatial strategy that appropriately addresses three scales of integration.     

Beyond the Legacy of Mackinder

For the Geopolitics Lecture at the Association of American Geographers Annual Meeting 2010, the paper examines the core features of Mackinder's geopolitical imaginary, reviews contemporary challenges to those elements and develops an alternative conception of space for a Progressive Geopolitics.     

Defining and Defending a Progressive Market Square: Bringing Institutionalist Development Discourse in Line with the Reality of Post-Soviet Transition Experiences

Abstract:

This article is a response to two crucial ideas about progressive institutional change: the first is J. Fagg Foster’s principle of “minimal social dislocation,” which asserts that socio-economic changes should be implemented gradually, to avoid unraveling the social fabric of the community; the second is Karl Polanyi’s principles of redistribution of rights and powers by relevant authorities and reciprocity, a symmetrical and highly personalized exchange system, which is likewise a protective mechanism that society employs against anonymity and disintegration brought about by unregulated market. Using lessons learned in the thirty-year transition to market in post-Soviet countries, this article argues that to commence progressive institutional change in the honesty- and transparency-resistant cultures of former Soviet states, impersonal exchange and impartial rule of law must be given far greater weight than personalization of contacts and continuation of cultural traditions.     

Firepower: Geopolitical Cultures in the Anthropocene

ABSTRACT

The human control of fire is a relatively neglected part of the discussion of the contemporary transformation of the planet. Thinking about it in terms of geopolitics is a way to link climate adaptation, extinction and the possibilities of extending traditional analyses of political ecology to the global scale. Such thinking is explicitly rejected as the appropriate premises for foreign policy action by the Trump administration which poses American greatness in terms of traditional understandings of firepower. This clash of geopolitical cultures is now key to global politics, where dramatic landscape transformation, related species extinctions as well as climate change results directly and indirectly from human control of combustion. Firepower is a matter of military technology as well as, in the form of fossil fuel combustion, the essential energy source that fuels the global economy. Focusing on combustion as a key geophysical force in contemporary geopolitics offers useful insights into the Anthropocene discussion and, in particular, the two planetary boundaries of climate change and biodiversity loss, which are key to contemporary efforts at global environmental governance.     

Representing the Politics of Borders: Unorthodox Maps in Reclus,Mackinder and Others

The relationship between cartography and power has aroused much interest in recent years, stimulated by innovative critical approaches. The empiricist and neo-positivist paradigms, no longer satisfactory, have been abandoned, while the analysis has been extended to include not only state-sponsored, but also popular cartography. Regardless of the character of the map or its source, it continues to be inserted in the context of the modern territorial state, as it is perceived as a key instrument for conveying the state’s narrative. Seen in this light, cartography inevitably comes out on the subordinate end of this relationship, since it fully conforms to the orthodox state-centred world view that has dominated modernity. Overturning this mechanically deconstructionist approach, this paper proposes, instead, to apply a concept introduced by John Brian Harley, the father of critical cartography – that of the map’s internal power. This concept, usually considered a given and rarely tested in empirical studies, is evaluated here through an analysis of the border sign in a series of unorthodox maps (in the work of Reclus, Mackinder, Renner, Spykman, Horrabin, Radó, Ratzel, Kjèllen, Haushofer) which have received little scientific attention to date.     

The South Caucasus Conflicts in the Context of Struggle for the Eurasian Heartland

The article examines the geopolitical developments in the South Caucasus after the collapse of the USSR in the context of the Russian-American geopolitical struggle. Armenia, Azerbaijan and Georgia, three recognised states of this region, should not only solve a set of complex problems such as to pass effectively through the difficult path of state-building, to respond adequately to the developments of the Russian-American struggle, but they should also take into consideration the impact of that struggle on the resolution of the conflicts in the region. The article aims to disclose the patterns and the peculiarities of geopolitical struggle in the South Caucasus, its impact on the process of resolving the Nagorno-Karabakh conflict, that recently gained more significance, and also the obstacles and perspectives of the resolution of this conflict.     

话语民主理论下可持续发展中的公民参与

可持续发展目标的追求需要公民的集体判断，公民参与作为可持续发展的基本原则之一，有利于实现可持续发展的目标，也是为避免“公地悲剧”尴尬局面的必然选择。从话语民主理论的角度来看，我国可持续发展进程中存在着公民参与可持续发展的不完善性和公民淡漠的问题，以及官僚式的独白现象。因此，要构建公共能量场确保可持续发展政策执行过程公民话语的正当性和合法性，实行一些人的对话参与可持续发展，通过“重复性实践”使可持续发展中的公民参与制度化。     

语篇翻译动态对等模式的认知关联阐释

由于交际双方认知结构和认知环境的不确定性,以及不同语言构成的语篇或文本因语义和文化等因素的限制不可能有严格意义的对等,翻译和翻译的方法只能是动态的,因此＂对等＂也只能是动态的。关联理论是译者和译语接受者阐释语篇时的依据。关联理论视角下语篇翻译的动态对等模式可为翻译过程中话语与语境假设不相冲突时进行系统切换,两者冲突时进行调变提供基础和依据。     

Geopolitical Identities: Arctic Ecology and Global Consumption

Critical geopolitics has raised questions of political identity at the largest scales, requiring scholars to think about the entities that are taken for granted and reproduced in the quotidian practices of political discourse. Place clearly matters in this scholarship, but the modern specifications of environment in terms of security, risk society and international discussions of climate change and biodiversity loss are now also part of the problematique. Not only are regional, national and bloc identities in question, but issues of global ecology and the identities of peoples who can know environments as such, are also a matter of considerable importance in specifications of modernity. Nature is now simultaneously endangered and a matter of national pride. The ecological dimensions of resource administration are at one and the same time an attribution of modern capability, while also on the largest of scales especially, one of the challenges to the possibilities of extending modernity. Aboriginal lives and the cultural disruptions of modernisation in remote northern areas directly confront the links between knowledge and specifications of particular place. Thus critical scholarship in a number of disciplines now also puts the ecological assumptions of modern sovereign subjectivities in question, requiring a further reflexive engagement with the identities that themselves now write critical geopolitics.     

Oil Prices: Governance Failures and Geopolitical Consequences

This article links two major areas of work on the geographies of oil: socially produced scarcity and the ‘new realities’ of oil, with wider geographical inquiries, mainly global energy governance. It explores how in the current context characterised by oversupply, power stands out as a key factor in the geopolitics of prices, the interactions amongst energy institutions, the role of supply and demand, and the preferences of the actors involved. Geopolitical approaches find a niche in the gaps left by the increasing complexities of global energy governance. In this regard, energy geopolitics may be thought of as ‘governance by other means’, an alternative to failed external energy governance solutions. The article then focuses on the consequences of the drop in oil prices on producer countries and how it will impact the major issues that dominate the literature on energy security. It concludes by stating that there is a need to rethink the geopolitics of energy security in order to incorporate the global governance institutions’ failure to facilitate cooperation as another cause of the re-securitisation of energy policies.     

多维视野观照下的话语与权力

语言研究中的话语不仅是传达意义的符号系统,它还与社会实践存在密切的联系,话语的背后是社会结构中的权力。文章从多学科的角度研究不同学术视野下话语与权力这一重要命题的代表性研究现状。     

Identity Formation in Gibraltar: Geopolitical,Historical and Cultural Factors

there is no abstract     

An Incorporating Geopolitics: Frontex and the Geopolitical Rationalities of the European Border

This paper develops a critique of the emergence of the new European Border Agency, Frontex, specifically its operations along Europe's maritime borders with North Africa. Rather than account for Frontex in terms of securitising and neoliberalising processes, as has become common, I focus instead on the underlying geopolitical rationalities that guide Frontex operations. These reflections then set up the further argument of the paper: that what Frontex itself sheds light upon is a novel geopolitics of the border, what can be thought of as an ‘incorporating geopolitics’. Through investigation of the policies and practices of Frontex, such an incorporating geopolitics can be shown to be replacing the much-discussed paradox of contemporary border regimes – that between trade freedoms and security restrictions – with a more fundamental contradiction: that the more border controls address more than just borders, the more they may themselves undermine the societies they purport to protect.     

政体周期：前苏联地区各国的民主、专制与颜色革命

对前苏联地区各国的政体变更的研究,常常陷于追逐该地区发生的各种政治事件中。这些研究经常假定政体变更,如果不是简单的不稳定,则意味要么是朝向民主体制要么是朝向专制制度变化。本文提出政体“周期”的理论（类似于经济周期）,认为政体变更可能是循环性的,而不是简单的用进步、倒退或毫无规则等概念来定义。事实上,前苏联地区各国中,政体周期的现象非常常见。一些国家已经从专制制度向更加民主的制度转变,然后又回到更加专制的制度。随着最近发生的“颜色革命”,这些国家又向更加民主的方向转变。本文提出一个政治精英集体行动的制度主义逻辑,集中关注“大佬总统制”在其中的作用,十分有助于我们理解这种政体周期的规律。这一概念也有助于解释为什么2003年到2005年之间,乌克兰、格鲁吉亚、吉尔吉斯斯坦等国发生了“颜色革命”,而俄罗斯、阿塞拜疆和乌兹别克斯坦等国则未发生。     

The Transformation of Europe and the German Contribution - Critical Geopolitics and Geopolitical Representations

The geography of political units has been rapidly transformed over the past two decades. Along with increasing globalisation a worldwide re-ordering of power set in the 1980s. It accelerated to such an extent after the end of the Cold War as to dramatically and permanently change the postwar order established for many decades. With the cessation of East-West confrontation, much more came to an end than merely the geopolitical constellation of the two power blocs that for more than forty years had determined the 'security discourse' and the global geographies of power and fear, of rivalry and alliance.