The changing dynamics of regionalism in South Korea's elections

One of the most persistent areas of discussion regarding South Korea's party and election systems is the continued elevation of regional personalities over political institutions. We seek to pour new wine into old bottles, however, by challenging a seldom‐considered assumption in Korean studies; that regionalism has exerted constant pressures across regime, province, and personality. There is a void in studying how transition to democracy has affected the dominance of personality‐based regionalism in Korean politics. We investigate democratization's impact on this phenomenon by examining the provincial distribution of legislative and presidential voting from 1971–2002. We employ a new indicator for personality‐based disproportionality, apply it to election outcomes at the provincial level, and find that the electoral impact of regionalism has changed over time across regimes, provinces, and political personalities. We find that regional voting disproportionality 1) increased immediately after transition; 2) has varied depending on personality and type of election; 3) is indeed low in provinces traditionally labeled as neutral; and 4) increased in the 2000 legislative election while declining in the 2002 presidential election.     

A new look at the New South Wales Corps, 1790–1810

This paper shows the New South Wales Corps as a changing entity with a considerable impact on the New South Wales economy until 1810. Findings include the large number of men (1,645) who served in New South Wales, while the total population was less than 5,000, and the importance of the Corps as a source of free settlers in the period before free immigration. Convicts were recruited locally and as a group outweighed arrivals from the Savoy Military Prison, cited in the past as the bad element in the Corps. The Corps contained a reasonably high proportion of skilled men who contributed formally and informally to the colony’s productivity both before and after discharge. The study shows that the officer group was relatively stable before 1800 but that turnover was fairly high thereafter. Finally it is shown that the influence of the New South Wales Corps did not cease with its recall, for well over half the regiment remained in the colony, some seventy–one as settlers and 356 as troops under Macquarie’s command — including a special Veteran Corps.     

Traditional medicine: Perspectives and policies in health care development

Traditional medical systems have been re‐evaluated by governments and health care planners as neglected contributors to health care delivery in developing countries. In the paper, an overview of the three broad policies on traditional medicine which the governments of various African countries have followed — namely illegalisation, legalisation and tacit recognition — is presented. In several African countries, programmes have been developed which seek to promote traditional medicine or integrate traditional and western medical systems. Against the backdrop of government policy, the traditional medicine programmes in Zimbabwe and Ghana are discussed. The paper highlights the lack of both scholarly and policy—oriented research into traditional medical systems as a developmental issue in South Africa.     

Wages,Productivity and Labour's Declining Income Share in Post‐Apartheid South Africa

The Marikana incident in 2012, as well as the protracted strikes by platinum miners, metal and postal workers in 2014 suggest that not all is well in the South African labour market. Even though those in employment are better off than the unemployed poor, macroeconomic data indicate that labour's share in gross value added has declined significantly during the first two decades following the first democratic election in 1994. A falling share of labour in income also means, by definition, that average labour productivity growth outstrips real wages growth. Data for South Africa suggest that productivity has indeed increased faster than wages in South Africa. This article argues that financialisation and more aggressive returns‐oriented investment strategies applied by for instance large investment institutions translated into higher required rates of return on capital, which in turn caused an increased implementation of capital‐augmenting labour‐saving technology that reduces labour's share in income.     

The wilder vote and the New South phenomenon: A multivariate analysis

This study employed ordinary least-squares (OLS) regression to explore possible linkages between the election of L. Douglas Wilder to the governorship of the Commonwealth of Virginia and the New South phenomenon. Five selected aggregate level indicators reflective of the New South political terrain served as independent variables. The dependent variable of the analysis was the electoral support garnered by Wilder. Four of the independent variables were statistically significant (race, urbanization, income, and industrialization). However, the education variable did not achieve statistical significance. The model yielded and adjusted R²=.41. The results of our exploratory analysis suggest that the impact of the New South on the Wilder victory was limited, though crucial to his narrow victory. Thus, social and demographic change as suggested by the New South thesis, while important, do not necessarily portend African American statewide electoral success. Further systematic study of this historic contest at the individual level could shed light on political behavior among African American and white voters in the New South.     

Beyond export-led growth

In light of the adverse conditions in the current international economic environment this paper reassesses the feasibility of continuing to rely on manufacturing export-led growth as the major development dynamic for most LDCs during the next decade. This paper argues that after the initial stages of industrial development, the emphasis in policy toward agriculture should shift from surplus extraction to surplus creation and to the generation of demand linkages with the rest of the economy. The author compares the relative merits of two alternative open development strategies — export-led industrialization and agricultural-demand-led industrialization (ADLI) — by means of several simulation experiments. The experiments are performed with a computable general equilibrium model of a small, low-income, semi-industrial, open economy which is a stylization of South Korea of 1963. They are carried out in an international environment assumed to represent the next decade based on a rate of growth of international demand for imports of about half the 1960–1973 rate. The results support the ADLI approach on all counts.     

Vote share and return rates: A comparison of two measures of election outcomes

This paper compares two measures of House election outcomes: return rates and vote share for presidential party incumbents. It is found that these election variables move independently from each other. The empirical work discovers that the relationship between return rates and vote share varies as vote share increases and as time progresses. It reports that economic variables explain movement in return rates independent of vote share, but economic variables cannot explain variation in vote share independent of return rates. These results suggest return rates are more sensitive to economic fluctuations than vote share. This paper also finds that the magnitude of the response to changes in economic variables differs across these two election result terms.     

Globalization and deindustrialization: Myth and reality in the OECD

Globalization and Deindustrialization: Myth and Reality in the OECD. — Has global integration adversely impacted workers in the US and Europe? The expansion of trade and other linkages with the South has been blamed for a multitude of ills in the North, including the contraction of manufacturing employment. Utilizing panel data for OECD countries, this paper examines the relationship between “deindustrialization” and differential productivity growth, Dutch disease, human capital accumulation and trade flows. Empirical results indicate there is a statistically and economically significant link between imports from the South and the manufacturing share of employment and real value added, even after controlling for other plausible causes of deindustrialization.     

浅议美国的选举人团制度

本文以美国大选为线索,介绍大选中的选举人团制度,其中对胜者全得这一选举细节进行了分析,美国的大选并不一定能选出美国人民想要的总统,而美国的政治其实是一场"富人的游戏"。     

基于旅游资源优势度视角的江苏旅游经济发展研究

本文以江苏省13个市的相关统计数据为基础,运用资源优势度、旅游总收入指数、聚类分析、空间错位分析等方法,对江苏旅游经济发展进行分析。分析认为江苏旅游资源优势度无论在丰度上还是在品位度上其空间表现都是苏南地区的南京、无锡、苏州(苏南的常州、镇江例外)高于苏北、苏中,优势度最高的是苏州,呈现出由苏南向苏北逐渐变小的态势。旅游资源优势度与旅游总收入之间不仅存在着空间的同步性,也存在着空间错位性,同时旅游资源优势区的旅游经济增长速度与旅游资源中等区、劣势区相比明显显得不足,省内区域出现资源诅咒现象。因此,江苏旅游资源丰富的地区旅游业的转型升级亟待提升,必须要进入深度改革和产业素质升级。     

Does purchasing power parity survive political shocks in South Africa?

Does Purchasing Power Parity Survive Political Shocks in South Africa? — The objectives of the paper are to examine the Purchasing Power Parity (PPP) hypothesis for the South African economy during the period 1975–1994 using high-frequency data. The analysis is conducted both for the entire period and also for different subperiods in order to take into account possible structural changes. For the rand/ dollar exchange rate, the authors find on the basis of a unique long-run cointegrating relationship that there is significant evidence supporting the PPP hypothesis for the entire period. The use of nonlinear least squares and Johansen-Juselius procedures is made to reach the above conclusion.     

South Africa's ten years of democracy: development and media discourse

Newspapers play an important role in selecting, defining and communicating pertinent social issues, especially during changing times. Yet, in the case of the transition to a new dispensation in South Africa, it seems that there has been very little sustained analysis of the news media in terms of its approach to social change before 1994. Hence the apparent lack of vigorous public engagement about the interplay between contending relations of power and the way that conflictive relations are being dealt with in terms of either maintaining or changing the status quo. For example, even in instances where popular discourses were in favour of changing the apartheid order to a more humane society, it would appear that social change was discussed in a way that meant that any alternative understanding was based on an a priori set of assumptions about what would be a suitable socio-economic order for South Africa. Hence the contradiction between election promises of a ‘better life for all’ and the current increasing levels of poverty in South Africa.     

The 2008 Food Summit: A political response to the food price crisis in Gauteng province,South Africa

In responding to food price riots and other unrest in 2008, Gauteng province in South Africa hosted a two-day Food Summit attended by 4000 delegates. Summit invitees expected to be consulted on issues of concern about food prices, but the government instead responded with the message that the poor must be self-sufficient and grow their own food (via the Ilima/Letsema campaign launch), an impractical suggestion in a crisis. The timing of the 2008 Summit in relation to major changes within the African National Congress and the looming 2009 national election in South Africa leads to a conclusion that the Summit was a political event designed to build political capital ahead of the elections, rather than a genuine stakeholder consultation event linked to food security. Findings of this study indicated that food security planning in Gauteng is exclusionary through its rural bias and excludes, for example, urban dwellers and foreign migrants. Also, at that time, Gauteng would have been underprepared for a genuine food emergency as there was no working provincial strategy to deal with urban food security or a severe food crisis.     

South Carolina indigo,European textiles,and the British Atlantic economy in the eighteenth century

Europe's indigo imports grew rapidly from the 1720s, but the mid‐century wars (1739–48, 1756–63) had a devastating effect on the European textile industries and hence on the indigo trade. Britain's indigo market, however, boomed in wartime on the bases of prize indigo captured from France and Spain and of indigo imported from South Carolina. The rise of South Carolina's trade from the mid‐1740s was not caused, as the historiography claims, by its monopoly of the British market—such a monopoly never existed—but because the depression in South Carolina's major staple, rice, compelled a remodelling of the South Carolina plantation system, which produced an elastic supply of indigo. Carolina indigo was blighted by a poor reputation, not, as is usually argued, because British merchants maligned unfairly its quality, but because Carolina planters failed to achieve consistent production standards. Carolina indigo nevertheless succeeded in displacing French and Spanish indigo in the British and in some continental markets, reflecting the demand for cheap dyestuffs from manufacturers of low‐cost textiles, the fastest‐growing sectors of the European textile industries at the onset of industrialization.     

A development perspective on the role and function of black colleges of education in South Africa

The training of black teachers in South Africa has greatly expanded in recent decades. The expansion resulted from a strong demand for teachers in black schools and from an even stronger and greatly unrealistic demand for places in teacher training colleges. The demand for teachers developed as a result of growing enrolment and an attempt to lower the pupil‐teacher ratios. The demand for places in teacher training colleges in turn developed only partly as a result of the demand for teachers. To a very large extent it developed also as a response to a set of social, economic and political conditions which prevailed in South Africa during the apartheid era. These conditions have influenced not only the numbers of high school graduates seeking training as teachers and the actual numbers of teachers trained, but also the quality and direction of training delivered over the years. The quality of training has been generally poor, and the choice of levels as well as teaching subjects by trainee‐teachers has not been in line with the needs of the schools. To address these three aspects of teacher training — the quantity of teachers trained, the direction in which they are trained, and the quality of their training — it will be necessary to reform the existing system.     

Changing nature of North–South linkages: Stylized facts and explanations

This paper examines the changing nature of growth spillovers between developed economies, the North, and developing countries, the South, driven by the process of globalization—the phenomenon of rising international trade and financial flows. We use a comprehensive database of macroeconomic and sectoral variables for 106 countries over the period 1960–2005. We consider the South to be composed of two groups of countries, the Emerging South and the Developing South, based on the extent of their integration into the global economy. Using a panel regression framework, we find that the impact of the Northern economic activity on the Emerging South has declined during the globalization period (1986–2005). In contrast, the growth linkages between the North and Developing South have been rather stable over time. Our findings also suggest that the North and Emerging South economies have started to exhibit more intensive intra-group growth spillovers.     

试论我国选举程序的完善

按照现代选举原则的要求,我国现行选举程序在诸多方面都存在问题,造成选民产生一定的厌选情绪,客观上影响了我国民主法治建设进程,社会主义民主政治建设和社会主义法治建设都要求必须完善我国目前的选举程序,以适应新时代的要求.     

Development Debate and Practice Revisiting the South African magisterial districts of 1999

During the constitutional talks that preceded the democratic election of South Africa in 1994, final agreement could not be reached on the position of all new provincial boundaries. This resulted in so-called ‘hard’ and ‘soft’ boundaries, the former referring to sections of boundaries on which there was general agreement, and the latter to those where there were still differences of opinion about their position between the negotiating parties. Yet, as the building blocks of the new provinces and as the regional units most often used for planning and administrative purposes, it is the magisterial districts that were most severely distorted by the system of apartheid. In view of the changes that are taking place in the local government system of South Africa currently, especially the new district boundaries that have been announced by the Demarcation Board in November 1999, the distorting effect apartheid had on the boundaries of the previous magisterial districts, is demonstrated in this article. Various distortions are pointed out and changes are suggested which could significantly improve local, provincial and national governance in South Africa, if implemented.     

The political economy of income distribution in South Korea: The impact of the state's industrialization policies

A number of previous studies of economic growth and income distribution in South Korea, based largely on 1960s data, concluded that South Korea was an exception to Kuznets' ‘inverse U-pattern’ of income inequality. Also, it was regarded as an exception to the usual negative consequences predicted by dependency theory for an economy so dependent on foreign capital and world markets. This author presents more recent data — for the 1970s and early 1980s — in order to support his claim that the trend toward income equality that appeared in the 1960s was reversed in the 1970s. The author develops a thesis that stresses the role of the state in shaping the Korean political economy. He argues that it has been the strong South Korean developmentalist state in firm control of both domestic and foreign capital and its export-oriented industrialization policies that have been the principal determinant of the pattern of income distribution. He contests the usual explanation related to the level of economic development or external dependency per se.