《经济学人》：股市虚高市值半年跌一半

近来中国股市的大跌已令股指逼近一个重要关口，市场已较去年秋天所创峰值下滑了将近一半。如此跌势不仅使将近2．5万亿美元的财富蒸发不见，也在不断考验着政府让市场自己寻求平衡的决心。     

观点之外的力量——《经济学人》强大的营销网络

即便是用“爬行”,也难以准确形容《经济学人》早期缓慢的成长速度。在这本杂志的历史上,有超过20年的时间发行量都不足3000。对于这段历史,《经济学人》是这样记录的：“1876年,发行量达到3690份,之后逐渐下降,直到1881年。”1938年,这本杂志的销量首次突破1万册。而这时距离该刊的百年华诞所剩时间已不足5年了。     

《财富》论坛盛宴"危"言——从北京《财富》全球论坛看中国"三农"问题

“实现中华民族的伟大复兴!”这是我们在国内一些重大新闻节目中经常听到的一句话,也反映了中华民族一代代人的夙愿和不懈努力的共同目标。时至今日,中国的崛起,已是不争的事实。2004年底,美国《财富》杂志曾在其历时一年完成的“中国专辑”中宣称:中国是全球增长的广阔新边疆,在21世纪的全球竞争中,跨国公司是兴旺发达,还是坍塌失败,决定于它们中国战略的质量。有人甚至惊呼:中国的世纪已经来临!难怪美国《财富》杂志会在6年时间内,以异乎寻常的营销和整合能力,连续三次选择在中国最有象征性的香港、上海、北京举行《财富》论坛,尤其是5月1…     

3D打印：能否成为“中国制造”转型的“催化剂”——3D打印：推陈出新 市场渐热

只需要一个蓝图,一些原材料．一台3D打印机,就可以把脑中的想法转化成实体。从原理上看,可以打印一辆车、一栋房子、甚至一块猪肉。这项在欧美快速发展的技术已被美国《时代》周刊列为“美国十大增长最快的工业”,英国《经济学人》杂志则认为它将”与其它数字化生产模式一起推动实现第三次工业革命”。     

站在“变化最莫测”的点上——评马泽文的新著《中国的光荣与梦想》

2004年2月,美国《时代》周刊亚洲版将北京少女作家春树搬上封面,与“80后”作家韩寒等四个中途辍学、性格叛逆的年轻人一起,并列为中国“80后”的代表;     

Crony Capitalism and Sovereign Default

Cronyism provides policymakers with marked incentives to repay sovereign debt. This takes place at the expense of the average citizen who bears both steep costs of debt repudiation and high costs of debt service, as clientelism increases both financial fragility and the debt burden. The paper sets up a model of strategic debt default that nails down this point, with political distortions and where a representative agent can dismiss the government and overrule its decision. Economic hard times provide an opportunity to implement reforms fighting clientelism, as the implicit coalition between groups of cronies may break down. A model is built along these lines, which highlights cross-country contagion of debt repudiation.JEL Classification Numbers: F3, E6, D8     

Black capitalism

Summary and Conclusion What then has the government’s promotional effort and the increasing economic efforts of black entrepreneurs wrought? Three years is too short a span to really expect the establishment of long term trends. The most we could expect is fissures and cracks in a system that has kept Blacks out of the mainstream of American economic development.     

中国的资本主义萌芽

本文讨论15－20世纪中国经济发展中金融制度和商业组织的角色。文章认为，金融制度的缺陷妨碍了20世纪中国经济的发展，其根源可追溯至明代食盐贸易的历史。明代食盐贸易包含了商业票据的投机要素，这些商业票据以一种被称为“盐引”的国债为基础。17世纪初“盐引”的废除，意味着向取代金融市场的皇蒂荫庇制度的决定性转变，新的做法被称为“官督商办”。至19世纪的最后10年，公司法经通商口岸被引进中国，商业票据市场才再次缓慢出现。股份资本的要求有助于融资市场的重新出现，这一市场所要求的规则，在荫庇制下的贸易中不可能出现。     

Gentlemanly capitalism in New Zealand

This article responds to McAloon's contribution to this journal criticising the argument advanced by P.J. Cain and myself in British Imperialism . McAloon's research on Canterbury and Otago merits serious attention, but it is argued here that he is mistaken in claiming that it disproves the case we made for applying our concept of gentlemanly capitalism to New Zealand. Both the structure of 'settler capitalism' and the social characteristics of the settlers themselves provide a good fit with our interpretation. Nevertheless, McAloon deserves credit for putting this subject on the agenda, and it is to be hoped that other historians of New Zealand (and also of Australia) will now reconsider the relationship between the 'rules of the game' established by the imperial centre and the degrees of dependence experienced by the constituent parts of the empire.     

借鉴资本主义的理论渊源探析

本文简要论述了马克思恩格斯、列宁、毛泽东和邓小平从各自的时代特征出发,密切结合本国的国情和具体的实践,论述了社会主义应该借鉴资本主义的思想。     

Slavery and Anglo-American capitalism revisited

British and American debates on the relationship between slavery and economic growth have had little interaction with each other. This article attempts intellectual arbitrage by joining these two literatures. The linkage turns on the neglected part two of the ‘Williams thesis’: that slavery and the slave trade, once vital for the expansion of British industry and commerce, were no longer needed by the nineteenth century. In contrast to recent assertions of the centrality of slavery for US economic development, the article argues that part two of the Williams thesis applies with equal force to nineteenth-century America. Unlike sugar, cotton required no large investments of fixed capital and could be cultivated efficiently at any scale, in locations that would have been settled by free farmers in the absence of slavery. Cheap cotton was undoubtedly important for the growth of textiles, but cheap cotton did not require slavery. The best evidence for this claim is that after two decades of war, abolition, and Reconstruction, cotton prices returned to their prewar levels. In both countries, the rise of anti-slavery sentiment was not driven by the prospect of direct economic benefits, but major economic interest groups acquiesced in abolition because they no longer saw slavery as indispensable.