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Based on a comparison of Berlin and Tel Aviv, this article investigates the ways in which ensembles of participatory instruments mediate between neoliberal urban regimes and political agency shaping differentially the meaning of participation and the types of claims that can be advanced. The article gives an overview of the recent history of both cities through the lens of participatory politics. Two in‐depth case studies further examine the relationship between participatory politics and claim making in each setting: the recent conflict over a social center in the district of Friedrichshain‐Kreuzberg in Berlin and the Levinsky tent city of 2011 in Tel Aviv. In the concluding section, the article suggests that, rather than assuming that participatory tools either co‐opt movements or can be appropriated by them, we need to rethink the relationship between participatory tools, rights and recognition, and ask how participatory structures and political agency constitute each other in interwoven dynamics.  相似文献   

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A direct focus on social class has largely disappeared from questions concerning spatial divisions. Instead, studies on residential segregation usually focus on ethnicity, education or income; seemingly the common perception is that people are now divided by such factors and that class divisions belong to the past. Although the structures of inequality have changed in recent times, little is known about how they affect spatial divisions. Here, we investigate these issues by analysing the developments of class segregation in Norway's capital, Oslo, during a period of great societal change and welfare state expansion. We analyse both vertical segregation, between the upper class and the working class, and horizontal segregation, between class factions possessing a high level of mainly cultural or economic capital. We apply a Bourdieu‐inspired classification scheme to capture data on the parents of full cohorts of children aged 13–15 years in 1970, 1980 and 2003. The results support the idea of a changed class structure, with segregation levels between the upper and working classes having increased during this period. Moreover, there are also moderate and slightly increasing levels of horizontal segregation between top class factions based on cultural and economic capital.  相似文献   

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This paper presents an empirical investigation of the dynamics of prices, wages and import prices in a small open economy using data for Israel in the accelerating inflationary period of 1970–1983. The appropriateness of the specification of a price equation as a function of import prices and wages is critically reviewed using Sims's methodology. The main finding is that the only significant lags in the representation of the rate of change in prices, wages and import prices are the lags of the rate of change in prices (the rate of inflation). Other factors in the representation are attributed to market forces influencing real wages and the real exchange rate. Testing the correlation of the estimated VAR residuals leads to the conclusion that a short-term inflation equation specified as a function of present and past wages is not acceptable. A further decomposition of the VAR residuals presents evidence in favour the hypothesis that price shocks contribute to the explanation of the inflationary process in Israel. A rational expectation interpretation of the results is proposed, followed by some policy implications.  相似文献   

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China’s economic reform since 1978 has brought profound change, not only to the functioning of the state organization, but also to the structuring of the space economy. Prior to the reform, the Maoist regime introduced a system of state socialism featuring a centrally planned economy, an anti-commercialist ideology and a development strategy that aimed at the rapid growth of industrial output. Important characteristics of the Maoist plan-ideological space included an uneven economic landscape dominated by the northern manufacturing heartland, a rigid urban hierarchy vertically integrated by a few large cities, and an ‘invisible wall’ separating urban and rural settlements. The post-reform market-regulatory regime has decentralized the power of decision-making, allowed a market economy to ‘grow out of the plan’, and freed state control over some peripheral areas that are not indispensable to the growth of the national economy. This has given rise to a distinct developmental landscape marked by the rapid expansion of new production space in South China, small towns and the vast countryside. Spatial restructuring in post-reform China has been primarily a result of state disarticulation rather than increased state intervention. A distinction needs to be made between ‘nation-state’ and ‘local-state’ for a better understanding of the operating mechanism of regional development. To solve the mystery of China’s spatial restructuring requires a comprehensive approach that moves beyond the traditional East-West regional dichotomy and concentrates on the shifting emphasis of the production space between North and South China, between large cities and small towns, and between cities and the countryside. La réforme économique en Chine depuis 1978 a produit un profond changement, non seulement du fonctionnement de l’organisation de l’état, mais aussi de la structuration de l’économie de l’espace. Avant la réforme, le régime maoîste avait introduit un système de socialisme d’état marqué par une économie planifiée centralement, une idéologie anti-marché, et une stratégie de développement qui avait pour but la croissance rapide de la production industrielle. Les caractéristiques importantes de l’espace maoîste comprenaient un paysage économique inégal dominé par le centre stratégique de la manufacture du nord, une hiérarchie urbaine rigide intégrée verticalement par quelques grandes villes, et un ‘mur invisible’ séparant les installations urbaines et rurales. Le régime de régulation du marché après les réformes a décentralisé la prise de décisions, a permis à une économie de marché de ‘sortir du plan’ et a libéré le contrtôle de l’état sur quelques domaines périphériques qui ne sont pas indispensables à la croissance de l’économie. Ceci a créé un paysage distinctif de développement marqué par l’expansion rapide d’un nouvel espace de production en Chine du sud, dans les petites villes et dans la campagne immense. La restructuration spatiale dans la Chine d’après les réformes a été avant tout un résultat de la désarticulation de l’état plutôt que de son intervention croissante. Afin de mieux comprendre le mécanisme d’opération du développement régional, une distinction doit ? tre faite entre ‘nation-état’ et ‘état-local’. La résolution du mystère de la restructuration spatiale en Chine demande une approche compréhensive allant plus loin que la dichotomie régionale traditionnelle est-ouest et portant son attention sur l’accentuation changeante de l’espace de production entre la Chine du nord et la Chine du sud, entre les grandes cités et les petites villes, et entre les villes et la campagne.  相似文献   

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ABSTRACT This paper assesses economic, political and national institutional explanations for continued resistance to the multidivisional form in France, Germany and the United Kingdom during the 1980s and 1990s. It finds that the economics of different diversification strategies play a significant but changing role in the structural choices of large corporations. The political interests of personal, banking and government owners are exercised variably. There remain strong national influences on structural choices, with resistance to the multidivisional form particularly pronounced in Germany. Overall, our results call for an increased contextual sensitivity in management research while acknowledging the possibility of convergent processes in business organization, represented here by the slow progress of the multidivisional firm.  相似文献   

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This article draws on critiques of ‘global cities’ to conceptualize Birmingham, the UK's second largest metropole, as a ‘global’ city by highlighting forms of economic globalization that draw on the city's residents, their histories and their social and cultural networks. The article illustrates some of the diversity and significance of minority ethnic economic activity within Birmingham and the potential this holds for its future economic development, focusing on examples from three transnational networks (Chinese business networks, ethnic food manufacturing and the Bhangra music industry). The article signals a rather different understanding of ‘global’ as it relates to economic advantage, transnationalism and ethnic diversity within cities in general, and Birmingham in particular. We suggest that this different understanding of the global has important policy implications, not simply in terms of economic representations of the city, but also in terms of developing the possibilities of such transnational networks and engaging with the constraints facing them. We argue that encouraging a more relational way of thinking about cities like Birmingham has the potential for advancing social wellbeing by influencing socio‐economic policy and practice. We use the example of Birmingham, therefore, to engage broader debates about alternative paths of ‘global’ economic, social and cultural investment for UK (and other) cities. A partir de critiques des ‘villes planétaires’, cet article conceptualise Birmingham (deuxième métropole britannique) en tant que ville ‘planétaire’ en soulignant les formes de mondialisation économique qui s’appuient sur les citadins, leurs histoires et leurs réseaux sociaux et culturels. Pour illustrer en partie la diversité et la place de l’activitééconomique ethnique des minorités à Birmingham, ainsi que le potentiel afférent pour son essor économique futur, ce travail s’intéresse à des exemples issus de trois réseaux transnationaux (réseaux d’affaires chinois, fabrication d’alimentation ethnique et secteur de la musique indienne Bhangra). Il repère une compréhension assez différente de ‘planétaire’, selon que le terme est liéà un avantage économique, au transnationalisme et à la diversité ethnique au sein des grandes villes, et de Birmingham en particulier. Cette perception multiple a d’importantes implications politiques, à la fois au plan des représentations économiques de la ville et en termes de création de possibilités pour ces réseaux transnationaux et de prise en compte des contraintes à affronter. Encourager un mode de réflexion plus relationnelà l’égard de villes comme Birmingham permettrait de promouvoir le bien‐être social en influant sur la pratique et la politique socio‐économique. Le cas de Birmingham sert donc à lancer des débats plus larges sur les options d’acheminement de l’investissement économique, social et culturel ‘planétaire’ pour les grandes villes britanniques (et étrangères).  相似文献   

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